The Gaelic State in the past & future — A Reader’s Guide

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Figgis, Darrell, 1882-1925 Project Gutenberg 2025 Not confirmed
Ireland -- Politics and government; Irish question Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 26,313
Reading time 115 min
Text sections 17

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Darrell Figgis argues that Ireland's future state must be rooted in its pre-1603 Gaelic polity, tracing how the nation's nineteenth-century resurgence—from Catholic Emancipation to land rights—inverted the order of historical losses.
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er glory and significance attaching to it that it is not easy to explain in any critical use of the materials available. It was not for a century after Tuathal that the Connacian dynasty, in the person of Cormac, established itself at Tara and compelled the kings of Leinster to make their headquarters elsewhere at Naas. Then the central authority took a fresh accession of strength, and a definite and distinctive polity began to emerge, with the looser system that till then had prevailed tightened up and made uniform in all its parts.

The hegemony, for instance, passed, and Cormac became Ard-Ri, or Monarch, of Ireland. The new province of Meath was created for the maintenance of the new monarchy. The festivals at Tara became more splendid and authoritative, deriving as they now did from the administrative authority of the monarch. This was especially the case as Cormac shines out quite clearly as a man of considerable force of character and a statesman of a very high order. Under his supervision the laws were reduced to writing. They might previously have existed in writing, for there are indications to show that writing existed from a very early time in Ireland; but they were now gathered in a single authoritative book. The immediate result of this would be that a stricter uniformity in their administration was created. To ensure this, and to make more easy the general administration of the country, he regrouped the administrative units of the nation. Until then the nation had consisted of a number of separate stateships. Some were quite small, some were of considerable size. Some had been bound under heavy service, some had been comparatively free of service, to their respective provincial kings. We do not often hear after this time of these different obligations of service, nor do we find these great differences of size; and it is significant that this disappearance should occur at a time when we are told that Cormac created a new order over Ireland. He made a number of new units, uniform in size, grouped in the provinces, and leading up in ranks of authority through the provincial kingships to the monarchy.

The old stateships were known as Tuatha; the new were called Triocha Ced. The title Triocha Ced does not survive, while the older title of Tuatha does. Therefore it seems likely that the new Triocha Ced became known by the older and more familiar title of Tuatha; and, where an old Tuath of considerable size had a number of Triocha Ced created within it, that the new units became known as Tuatha, while the older stateship maintained its authority over the new units and became known by a new title that now comes into use, that of Mor-Thuath. That is conjecture; but it is a conjecture that conforms to the facts as we know them in the subsequent development of the system.

Such is the polity as it left Cormac’s hands. He also established the Fianna Eireann as a standing militia in the provinces--except in Ulster, where the dynastic war had not ceased, and was not to cease till the burning of Emain Macha. The political system he created, with its central code of laws, was one that could continue itself without a central power; and it did so continue; for with his passing the central power weakened, falling into less able hands.

With the coming of Christianity two centuries later the system received a new strength and unity. Loeghaire, the Monarch at the time, was himself a man of considerable strength and ability, and Patrick was an administrator of power and insight. The fact that the laws were revised in the general assembly at Tara, in order to bring them into conformity with the teaching of Christianity, was in itself an impetus sufficient to brace the system anew; and a further strength was given when Patrick based his church system on the political system, making the units of one identical with the units of the other.

Darrell Figgis opens his 1917 study with a striking metaphor: a nation is only truly crowned when its intuitions and desires are expressed in a state as flexible as its containing life. For Ireland, he contends, the stubborn national sense has long existed as a protest rather than a power. The book sets out to recover the shape of the Gaelic state that was destroyed in 1603, and to ask how its principles might be adapted for modern self-government.

Figgis writes as a participant in the Irish revival, not a detached historian. His analysis is driven by a clear political purpose, yet it rests on a detailed reading of the old polity's structure—its land tenure, its law, its relation between people and ruler. The excerpts show a writer who moves between sharp historical judgment and a visionary, almost poetic, sense of national memory.

The Inverted Order of Resurrection

One of the most arresting patterns in Figgis's argument is his claim that the nineteenth-century Irish revival moved in reverse chronological order. He writes that the nation had lost, first, its state; then its language and culture; then its land; and finally its liberty of faith. In the resurrection, it won back these losses in the inverse order: first religious liberty, then land, then culture, and now it seeks its state. This is not a casual observation but a structural key to the book. Figgis presents the land war, for instance, not as a modern economic struggle but as the re-assertion of a very old memory—a freeman's right, not a tenant's. He quotes the Devon Commission Digest noting that tenants claimed a tenant-right irrespective of legal claim, and calls this a curious thing to observers with a foreign state-idea. The pattern gives the whole narrative a sense of historical inevitability, as if the nation were a sleeper slowly waking limb by limb.

The Unworkable Liberty of the English State

Figgis is sharply critical of the eighteenth-century Irish Parliament, which he calls the liberty of the English state in Ireland, won by the jailers of the old nation. He describes the Grattan Parliament as an utterly unworkable constitution, because its members remembered the source from which they sprang and would not carry victory to its logical conclusion. The key detail is FitzGibbon's point that the Seal was in the care of the English Chancellor, giving England the final word. Figgis sees this as an independence that needed force at every moment to be of any avail. The Act of Union, in his reading, was England striking down her own jailers and abolishing their little hour of liberty. The parenthesis was concluded, and history could take its course again. This passage reveals Figgis's method: he treats the colonial parliament as a historical dead end, a false dawn that actually delayed the real work of national reconstruction.

The Haunted Hall of Memory

Figgis's prose is at its most vivid when he describes the nineteenth century as a haunted hall where ghostly memories become flesh and blood. The image is not decorative; it expresses his core belief that the Irish nation carried within it a living memory of its pre-1603 state, a memory that surfaced in movements like the land war. He notes that the landlordry was now mainly absentee, which made the re-assertion of a freeman's right a solid national act. The language of haunting recurs: the nation arose feebly at first, and marched into the nineteenth century to claim satisfaction for desires and instincts that had never died. This is not a dry constitutional history but a work that blends political analysis with a kind of historical mysticism. Readers should expect a text that is as much about the psychology of national memory as about legal structures.

Figgis's book is best read as a primary document of the Irish revival, not as a neutral history. Its value lies in the way it fuses historical argument with political prophecy. The excerpts suggest a writer who is impatient with compromise and convinced that the Gaelic state offers a template for a just and organic future. Readers interested in the intellectual roots of twentieth-century Irish nationalism will find here a clear, passionate, and structurally inventive case.

Reading Figgis’s account of the Gaelic polity, I keep thinking about how much was lost before anyone thought to write it down. His sense of inverted history lingers. It makes me want to sit quietly with older Irish voices, like the ones in The Prose Works of Jonathan Swift, D.D. - Volume 07 Historical and Political Tracts-Irish — Key Ideas to Explore, where the grievances feel closer to the ground, less abstract, more like weather.

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