A Political History of the State of New York, Volumes 1-3 — Story, Setting & Ideas
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igs were known as Conscience and Cotton, and Woollies and Silver Grays. More recently James Parton, in his _Life of Andrew Jackson_, speaks of "that most unfathomable of subjects, the politics of the State of New York."
There is no attempt in this history to catalogue the prominent public men of New York State. Such a list would itself fill a volume. It has only been possible, in the limited space given to over a century, to linger here and there in the company of the famous figures who rose conspicuously above their fellow men and asserted themselves masterfully in influencing public thought and action. Indeed, the history of a State or nation is largely the history of a few leading men, and it is of such men only, with some of their more prominent contemporaries, that the author has attempted to write.
It would be hard to find in any Commonwealth of the Union a more interesting or picturesque leadership than is presented in the political history of the Empire State. Rarely more than two controlling spirits appear at a time, and as these pass into apogee younger men of approved capacity are ready to take their places. None had a meteoric rise, but in his day each became an absolute party boss; for the Constitution of 1777, by creating the Council of Appointment, opened wide the door to bossism. The abolition of the Council in 1821 doubtless made individual control more difficult, but the system left its methods so deeply impressed upon party management that what before was done under the sanction of law, ever after continued under the cover of custom.
After the Revolution, George Clinton and Alexander Hamilton led the opposing political forces, and while Aaron Burr was forging to the front, the great genius of DeWitt Clinton, the nephew of George Clinton, began asserting itself. The defeat of Burr for governor, and the death of Hamilton would have left DeWitt Clinton in complete control, had he found a strong man for governor whom he could use. In 1812 Martin Van Buren discovered superiority as a manager, and for nearly two decades, until the death of the distinguished canal builder, his great ability was taxed to its uttermost in the memorable contests between Bucktails and Clintonians. Thurlow Weed succeeded DeWitt Clinton in marshalling the forces opposed to Van Buren, whose mantle gradually fell upon Horatio Seymour. Clustered about each of these leaders, save DeWitt Clinton, was a coterie of distinguished men whose power of intellect has made their names familiar in American history. If DeWitt Clinton was without their aid, it was because strong men in high position rebelled against becoming errand boys to do his bidding. But the builder of the Erie canal needed no lieutenants, since his great achievement, aiding the farmer and enriching the merchant, overcame the power of Van Buren, the popularity of Tompkins, and the phenomenal ability of the Albany Regency.
In treating the period from 1800 to 1830, the term "Democrat" is purposely avoided, since all anti-federalist factions in New York claimed to be "Republican." The Clay electors, in the campaign of 1824, adopted the title "Democrat Ticket," but in 1828, and for several years after the formation of the Whig party in 1834, the followers of Jackson, repudiating the title of Democrats, called themselves Republicans.
For aid in supplying material for character and personal sketches, the author is indebted to many "old citizens" whom he met during the years he held the office of United States Attorney for the Northern District of New York, when that district included the entire State north and west of Albany. He takes this occasion, also, to express his deep obligation to the faithful and courteous officials of the Library of Congress, who, during the years he has been a member of Congress, assisted him in searching for letters and other unindexed bits of New York history which might throw some light upon subjects under investigation.
The author hopes to complete the work in an additional volume, bringing it down to the year 1896.
BUFFALO, N.Y., March, 1906.
I. A COLONY BECOMES A STATE. 1774-1776 1
II. MAKING A STATE CONSTITUTION. 1777 8
III. GEORGE CLINTON ELECTED GOVERNOR. 1777 17
IV. CLINTON AND HAMILTON. 1783-1789 23
V. GEORGE CLINTON'S FOURTH TERM. 1789-1792 37
VI. GEORGE CLINTON DEFEATS JOHN JAY. 1792-1795 50
VII. RECOGNITION OF EARNEST MEN. 1795-1800 64
VIII. OVERTHROW OF THE FEDERALISTS. 1798-1800 78
IX. MISTAKES OF HAMILTON AND BURR. 1800 94
X. JOHN JAY AND DeWITT CLINTON. 1800 107
XI. SPOILS AND BROILS OF VICTORY. 1801-1803 115
XII. DEFEAT OF BURR AND DEATH OF HAMILTON. 1804 129
XIII. THE CLINTONS AGAINST THE LIVINGSTONS. 1804-1807 147
XIV. DANIEL D. TOMPKINS AND DeWITT CLINTON. 1807-1810 158
XV. TOMPKINS DEFEATS JONAS PLATT. 1810 173
XVI. DeWITT CLINTON AND TAMMANY. 1789-1811 180
XVII. BANKS AND BRIBERY. 1791-1812 186
XVIII. CLINTON AND THE PRESIDENCY. 1812 199
XIX. QUARRELS AND RIVALRIES. 1813 211
XX. A GREAT WAR GOVERNOR. 1812-1815 219
XXI. CLINTON OVERTHROWN. 1815 231
DeAlva Stanwood Alexander's A Political History of the State of New York opens with a colony becoming a state in 1774–1776 and proceeds through seventy-one chapters to the Civil War, charting the shifting alliances and personal rivalries that shaped New York's governance. The table of contents alone reveals a narrative driven by electoral contests, constitutional conventions, and the rise and fall of political dynasties—George Clinton, DeWitt Clinton, Martin Van Buren, William H. Seward, and Thurlow Weed all appear as recurring protagonists. The excerpts show Alexander's method: he weaves direct quotations from letters and speeches into a dense chronological account, as when he reproduces August Belmont's December 1860 letter describing a meeting of “leading men” united for reconciliation. This is not a dry institutional history but a story of ambition, strategy, and crisis.
Factional Labels and Personal Loyalties
The catalog subject “New York (State) -- Politics and government” suggests a broad institutional focus, but the excerpts reveal a history organized around personal factions rather than parties in the modern sense. Chapter titles such as “The Clintons Against the Livingstons,” “Bucktail and Clintonian,” and “The Hards and the Softs” indicate that Alexander treats political groups as extensions of individual leaders. The narrative follows George Clinton's four terms, DeWitt Clinton's repeated falls and returns, and Van Buren's maneuvering against Weed. Even the formation of the Republican Party is presented through Seward's bid for the presidency and Dean Richmond's leadership at Charleston. The reader should expect a story where alliances shift rapidly and ideological labels often mask personal feuds.
The Mechanics of Political Power
Alexander pays close attention to the concrete mechanisms of influence: elections, conventions, legislative maneuvers, and patronage. The chapter list includes “Spoils and Broils of Victory,” “Banks and Bribery,” and “The Albany Regency,” suggesting that corruption and machine politics are central themes. In the excerpt on the secession crisis, he details Weed's efforts to organize a compromise convention and quotes Republican congressman James B. McKean's invective against slaveholders. The author's own background as a former United States Attorney and member of Congress likely informs his focus on legal and procedural details. Readers interested in how political power was actually exercised—through caucuses, newspaper endorsements, and backroom deals—will find this work especially valuable.
Voices from the Crisis: The Secession Debate
The longest excerpt captures the winter of 1860–1861, when New York's political leaders confronted secession. Alexander presents multiple perspectives: Thurlow Weed's conciliatory proposal for a convention, August Belmont's report that business leaders favored concessions, and Republican congressmen's refusal to abandon the party's anti-slavery platform. The author does not simply narrate events but lets the actors speak through letters and speeches. Belmont writes that “the popular mind of the North is ripe for” concessions, while McKean warns that slaveholders demand “all that the latter have ever claimed.” This section demonstrates Alexander's method of building a narrative from primary sources, allowing the reader to hear the conflicting voices that shaped New York's response to the national crisis.
Because the excerpts cover only the opening and a later section on secession, the bulk of the work—including the Revolutionary period, the War of 1812, and the rise of the Whig and Republican parties—must be inferred from the chapter titles. Readers should approach this history as a detailed chronicle of elite political competition, grounded in correspondence and official records. Alexander's own career in public office lends authority to his treatment of legislative and electoral tactics, but the excerpts offer no evidence of social or economic analysis. The work is best suited for those seeking a granular account of who opposed whom, and why, in New York's political arena.
Reading through those old political rivalries, I kept thinking about how much raw energy gets lost in official records. The chaos feels more real in something like Stephen H. Branch's Alligator, Vol. 1 no. 04, May 15, 1858 — A Closer Reading, where the noise of daily grievances still breathes. Alexander gives the shape, but Branch gives the pulse. That stayed with me.
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