Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, From the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 4 — Reading Companion

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Jefferson, Thomas, 1743-1826, Randolph, Thomas Jefferson, 1792-1875 [Editor] Project Gutenberg 2005 Not confirmed
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Words 236,143
Reading time 1027 min
Text sections 30

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This volume of Jefferson's papers, edited by his grandson, covers 1803–1807 and reveals his views on the Louisiana Purchase, the Burr conspiracy, and the challenges of writing revolutionary history, based on his correspondence with key figures.
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on, with his regiment, of horse, was detached by Lord Cornwallis to surprise Mr. Jefferson (whom they thought still in office) and the legislature now sitting in Charlottesville. The Speakers of the two Houses, and some other members of the legislature, were lodging with Mr. Jefferson at Monticello. Tarleton, early in the morning, (June 23, I believe,) when within ten miles of that place, detached a company of horse to secure him and his guests, and proceeded himself rapidly with his main body to Charlottesville, where he hoped to find the legislature unapprized of his movement. Notice of it, however, had been brought both to Monticello and Charlottesville about sunrise. The Speakers, with their colleagues, returned to Charlottesville, and, with the other members of the legislature, had barely time to get out of his way. Mr. Jefferson sent off his family, to secure them from danger, and was himself still at Monticello, making arrangements for his own departure, when Lieutenant Hudson arrived there at half speed, and informed him the enemy were then ascending the hill of Monticello. He departed immediately, and knowing that he would be pursued if he took the high road, he plunged into the woods of the adjoining mountain, where, being at once safe, he proceeded to overtake his family. This is the famous adventure of Carter’s Mountain, which has been so often resounded through the slanderous chronicles of Federalism. But they have taken care never to detail the facts, lest these should show that this favorite charge amounted to nothing more, than that he did not remain in his house, and there singly fight a whole troop of horse, or suffer himself to be taken prisoner. Having accompanied his family one day’s journey, he returned to Monticello. Tarleton had retired after eighteen hours’ stay in Charlottesville. Mr. Jefferson then rejoined his family, and proceeded with them to an estate he had in Bedford, about eighty miles southwest, where, riding in his farm some time after, he was thrown from his horse, and disabled from riding on horseback for a considerable time. But Mr. Turner finds it more convenient to give him this fall in his retreat before Tarleton, which had happened some weeks before, as a proof that he withdrew from a troop of horse with a precipitancy which Don Quixote would not have practised.

The facts here stated most particularly, with date of time and place, are taken from the notes made by the writer hereof, for his own satisfaction, at the time: the others are from memory, but so well recollected, that he is satisfied there is no material fact misstated. Should any person undertake to contradict any particular, on evidence which may at all merit the public respect, the writer will take the trouble (though not at all in the best situation for it) to produce the proofs in support of it. He finds, indeed, that, of the persons whom he recollects to have been present on these occasions, few have survived the intermediate lapse of four and twenty years. Yet he trusts that some, as well as himself, are yet among the living; and he is positively certain, that no man can falsify any material fact here stated. He well remembers, indeed, that there were then, as there are at all times, some who blamed every thing done contrary to their own opinion, although their opinions were formed on a very partial knowledge of facts. The censures, which have been hazarded by such men as Mr. Turner, are nothing but revivals of these half-informed opinions. Mr. George Nicholas, then a very young man, but always a very honest one, was prompted by these persons to bring specific charges against Mr. Jefferson. The heads of these, in writing, were communicated through a mutual friend to Mr. Jefferson, who committed to writing also the heads of justification on each of them. I well remember this paper, and believe the original of it still exists; and though framed when every real fact was fresh in the knowledge of every one, this fabricated flight from Richmond was not among the charges stated in this paper, nor any charge against Mr. Jefferson for not fighting, singly, the troop of horse. Mr. Nicholas candidly relinquished further proceeding. The House of Representatives of Virginia pronounced an honorable sentence of entire approbation of Mr. Jefferson’s conduct, and so much the more honorable, as themselves had been witnesses to it. And Mr. George Nicholas took a conspicuous occasion afterwards, of his own free will, and when the matter was entirely at rest, to retract publicly the erroneous opinions he had been led into on that occasion, and to make just reparation by a candid acknowledgment of them.

LETTER XXV.--TO DOCTORS ROGERS AND SLAUGHTER, March 2, 1806

This fourth volume of Thomas Jefferson's papers, edited by his grandson Thomas Jefferson Randolph, collects letters from August 1803 through 1807, a period that includes the Louisiana Purchase, the Lewis and Clark expedition, and the Burr conspiracy. The correspondence reveals Jefferson's direct engagement with political allies, foreign diplomats, and scientific correspondents, offering a granular view of his presidency. Unlike a retrospective memoir, these letters capture decisions as they unfolded, with Jefferson often explaining his reasoning to trusted confidants such as James Madison, Albert Gallatin, and Wilson Cary Nicholas.

The Louisiana Purchase and Constitutional Scruples

Jefferson's letters from late 1803 show him wrestling with the constitutional implications of acquiring Louisiana. In a letter to Wilson C. Nicholas (September 7, 1803), he acknowledges that the treaty may exceed strict constitutional limits, writing that "the Executive, in seizing the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the good of their country, have done an act beyond the Constitution." He proposes a constitutional amendment to legitimize the purchase, yet simultaneously urges speedy ratification to secure the territory before France changes course. This tension between strict construction and pragmatic expansion recurs throughout the correspondence. To John Dickinson (January 13, 1807), Jefferson later reflects that "a little rebellion now and then is a good thing"—a sentiment that underscores his willingness to bend principles under pressure.

The Burr Conspiracy and the Limits of Executive Power

By 1807, Jefferson's letters focus heavily on the conspiracy led by former Vice President Aaron Burr. In letters to George Hay (June 2 and June 5, 1807), Jefferson discusses the legal proceedings against Burr, insisting on the necessity of a vigorous prosecution while also expressing concern about judicial overreach. He writes that "the nation has been so much excited by the enormity of the crime" and that the government must act decisively. Yet he also cautions against infringing on civil liberties, noting that "the laws of the land must be observed." The correspondence reveals Jefferson's careful balancing act: he supplies evidence to the prosecutor but refrains from direct interference. His letters to William B. Giles (April 20, 1807) and others show him gathering intelligence and coordinating with state governors, demonstrating the executive's role in national security before the concept was fully formalized.

Writing History and the Problem of Sources

In a notable letter to an unidentified correspondent (likely John Adams, based on context), Jefferson reflects on the difficulty of writing the history of the American Revolution. He observes that "all its councils, designs, and discussions having been conducted by Congress with closed doors, and no member, as far as I know, having even made notes of them." He contrasts this with the work of Carlo Botta, who "has put his own speculations and reasonings into the mouths of persons whom he names, but who, you and I know, never made such speeches." Jefferson also reveals that he took minutes of debates on independence and the Articles of Confederation, but that these notes are brief—"not more than five pages"—and have never been shared. He mentions James Madison's far more extensive notes on the Constitutional Convention, calling them "the ablest work of this kind ever yet executed." This passage offers a rare glimpse into Jefferson's historiographical thinking and his awareness of the gaps in the historical record.

Readers approaching this volume should note that it is a collection of primary sources, not a narrative history. The letters are arranged chronologically and cover a wide range of topics, from foreign policy to scientific inquiry. Jefferson's voice is consistent—formal yet direct, often philosophical but grounded in practical concerns. The editorial hand of Thomas Jefferson Randolph is light, providing minimal annotation. For those interested in the mechanics of early American governance, this volume offers an unfiltered view of a president managing a young republic through crisis and expansion.

There’s something humbling about reading Jefferson’s own words during those turbulent years—watching him wrestle with history while still living it. It makes me feel nearer to his uncertainty, not his certainty. That same ache for coherence amid political noise drifted back to me lately, and I found myself returning to Practical Politics; or, the Liberalism of To-day — Edition Insights, almost by instinct, looking for the same quiet ground.

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