A Letter Addressed to the Abbe Raynal, on the Affairs of North America, in Which the Mistakes in the Abbe's Account of the Revolution of America Are Corrected and Cleared — A Reader’s Guide

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Paine, Thomas, 1737-1809 Project Gutenberg 2005 Not confirmed
United States -- Politics and government -- 1775-1783; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783; Raynal, abbé (Guillaume-Thomas-François), 1713-1796. Révolution de l'Amérique Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 26,768
Reading time 117 min
Text sections 3

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Thomas Paine's 1782 open letter to Abbe Raynal corrects factual errors in Raynal's account of the American Revolution, blending political argument with a defense of American motives and a vision for international civilization.
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They did not exist in 1763, and they all existed before 1776; consequently as there was a time when they did _not_, and another when they _did_ exist, the _time when_ constitutes the essence of the fact; and not to give it, is to withhold the only evidence which proves the declaration right or wrong, and on which it must stand or fall. But the declaration as it now appears, unaccompanied by time, has an effect in holding out to the world, that there was no real cause for the revolution, because it denied the existence of all those causes which are supposed to be justifiable, and which the Abbe styles energetic.

I confess myself exceedingly at a loss to find out the time to which the Abbe alludes; because, in another part of the work, in speaking of the stamp act, which was passed in 1764, he styles it "An _usurpation_ of the Americans' _most precious and sacred rights_." Consequently he here admits the most energetic of all causes, that is, _an usurpation of their most precious and sacred rights_, to have existed in America twelve years before the declaration of independence, and ten years before the breaking out of hostilities. The time, therefore, in which the paragraph is true, must be antecedent to the stamp act, but as at that time there was no revolution, nor any idea of one, it consequently applies without a meaning; and as it cannot, on the Abbe's own principle, be applied to any time _after_ the stamp act, it is therefore a wandering, solitary paragraph connected with nothing, and at variance with every thing.

The stamp act, it is true, was repealed two years after it was passed; but it was immediately followed by one of infinitely more mischievous magnitude, I mean the declaratory act, which asserted the right, as it was styled, of the British Parliament, "_to bind America in all cases whatsoever_."

If then, the stamp act was an usurpation of the Americans' most precious and sacred rights, the declaratory Act left them no rights at all; and contained the full grown seeds of the most despotic government ever exercised in the world. It placed America not only in the lowest, but in the basest state of vassalage; because it demanded an unconditional submission in everything, or, as the act expressed it, _in all cases whatsoever_: and what renders this act the more offensive, is, that it appears to have been passed as an act of mercy; truly then may it be said, that _the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel_.

All the original charters from the Crown of England, under the faith of which, the adventurers from the old world settled in the new, were by this act displaced from their foundations; because, contrary to the nature of them, which was that of a compact, they were now made subject to repeal or alteration at the mere will of one party only. The whole condition of America was thus put into the hands of the Parliament or the Ministry, without leaving to her the least right in any case whatsoever.

There is no despotism to which this iniquitous law did not extend; and though it might have been convenient in the execution of it, to have consulted manners and habits, the principle of the act made all tyranny legal. It stopt no where. It went to everything. It took in with it the whole life of a man, or, if I may so express it, an eternity of circumstances. It is the nature of law to require obedience, but this demanded servitude; and the condition of an American, under the operation of it, was not that of a subject, but a vassal. Tyranny has often been established _without_ law, and sometimes _against_ it, but the history of mankind does not produce another instance, in which it has been established _by_ law. It is an audacious outrage upon civil government, and cannot be too much exposed, in order to be sufficiently detested.

Neither could it be said after this, that the legislature of that country any longer made laws for this, but that it gave out commands; for wherein differed an act of Parliament constructed on this principle, and operating in this manner, over an unrepresented people, from the orders of a military establishment?

Thomas Paine's A Letter Addressed to the Abbe Raynal (1782) is a pointed corrective to errors in Raynal's Revolution of America, but it is far more than a list of factual disputes. Paine uses the occasion to defend the moral legitimacy of the American cause, arguing that Raynal's account misrepresents not only events but the underlying principles that drove the revolution. The letter moves between sharp rebuttals and broader philosophical reflections on the nature of liberty, the progress of civilization, and the conduct of nations.

Paine's voice is unmistakable: direct, combative, and occasionally sardonic. He chides Raynal for relying on distance and hearsay, and he insists that the American Revolution was not a product of transient enthusiasm but of deep-seated principles. The work is as much a political essay as a historical correction.

Correcting the Record

Paine opens by detailing how Raynal's work came to be published—apparently without the author's consent, through a purloined manuscript. This backstory sets the stage for Paine's own intervention: he aims to prevent “even accidental errors intermixing with history, under the sanction of time and silence.” The letter is thus framed as an act of historical responsibility, not mere polemic.

Paine identifies specific mistakes in Raynal's account, though the excerpts provide only a glimpse of these corrections. He is particularly concerned with Raynal's portrayal of American motives, which Paine argues are misattributed. The tone is that of an insider correcting an outsider: Paine, having served as Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Congress, speaks with authority. He does not simply assert error but seeks to demonstrate why Raynal's conclusions are flawed, often by appealing to the natural progress of the human mind and the logic of political events.

Motives and the Metaphysics of Mind

A central thread in Paine's argument is his critique of Raynal's analysis of motives. Paine objects to the notion that the American alliance with France was driven by self-interest alone. He embarks on what he calls “a train of metaphysical reasoning,” arguing that human conduct is not reducible to simple calculations of advantage. Instead, he suggests that genuine attachment to principles—such as liberty—can and did shape American actions.

Paine illustrates this with a striking allegory: America as a figure courted by fortune-hunters who later deserted her, contrasted with those who, initially cautious, came to appreciate her true character. This personification serves to distinguish superficial support from principled commitment. Paine insists that the real field for philosophical reflection is not the motives that produced the alliance but the consequences that flow from it. In doing so, he shifts the debate from psychology to political outcomes.

The Incomplete Circle of Civilization

Paine extends his argument beyond the immediate dispute to a broader vision of international relations. He observes that “the circle of civilization is yet incomplete”: while individuals have formed national societies, nations themselves remain in a state of nature, governed by no fixed principle. This observation echoes themes from his earlier work Common Sense and anticipates later writings on the rights of man.

Drawing a parallel between the taming of individual barbarism and the potential for international order, Paine expresses optimism that the same progress can occur among nations. He argues that the present condition of the world has “given a new cast to the mind of man,” making it easier to extend civilization across borders. The American Revolution, in his view, is not an isolated event but a step toward a more rational and peaceful global order. This section reveals Paine as a thinker concerned with the long arc of human improvement.

Readers approaching Paine's letter should attend to its dual character: it is both a specific historical intervention and a philosophical essay. The corrections to Raynal are best understood in the context of Paine's broader argument about the nature of revolution and the possibility of international civilization. The letter rewards careful reading for its rhetorical strategies—the use of allegory, the appeal to natural reason, and the shift from particular facts to general principles. It stands as a document of the revolutionary era's intellectual ferment, offering insight into how its participants understood their own actions.

The rain kept time with the careful corrections in A Letter Addressed to the Abbe Raynal, Paine’s patient insistence that history be honest. That same quiet urgency surfaced later, almost unexpectedly, while I sat with Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 3 (of 7) — Reading Companion, hearing echoes of that old argument for good faith between nations, spoken again across a later century.

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