Vanishing Landmarks: The Trend Toward Bolshevism — Reading Notes
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id. She exclaimed: “I am surprised!” Whereupon the great lexicographer rebuked her thus: “My dear Mrs. Webster, when will you learn to use the English language correctly? You are astonished. I’m surprised.”
It is a well known fact that the meaning of words change with usage. Some recent editions of even the best dictionaries give democracy substantially the same definition as republic. They define a republic as a “representative democracy” and a democracy as a government in which the people rule through elected representatives. This gradual change in the meaning of the word would be perfectly harmless if our theory of government did not also change. Probably our change of conception of representative government is largely responsible for the evolution in the popular use of the word democracy.
A far more important reason why the term “democracy” should not be used improperly lies in the fact that every bolshevist in Russia and America, every member of the I. W. W., in the United States, as well as socialists everywhere, clamor for democracy. All of these people, many of them good-intentioned but misguided, understand exactly what they mean by the term. They seek no less a democratic form of government as Professor Giddings defines it, than a democratic society as he defines that, and likewise financial and industrial democracy. They want not only equality before the law, but equality of environment and equality of rewards. Only socialists, near-socialists, anarchists and bolsheviki clamor for “democracy.” Every true American is satisfied with representative government, and that is exactly what the term republic means.
The expression, “All men are created equal,” does not signify equality of eyesight, or equality of physical strength or of personal comeliness. Neither does it imply equal aptitude for music, art or mechanics, equal business foresight or executive sagacity or statesmanship. Equality before the law is the only practicable or possible equality.
Why educate, if equality in results is to be the goal? Why practice thrift, or study efficiency, if rewards are to be shared independent of merit? Those who clamor most loudly for equality of opportunity, have in mind equality of results, which can be attained only by denying equality of opportunity. Equal opportunity in a foot race is secured when the start is even, the track kept clear and no one is permitted to foul his neighbor. But equality of results is impossible between contestants of unequal aptitude when all are given equality of opportunity.
The kind of “democracy” which the socialist and the anarchist demand, confessedly hobbles the fleet, hamstrings the athletic and removes all incentive to efficiency. The keystone of representative government is rewards according to merit, and the buttresses that support the arch are freedom of action on the one side, and justice according to law on the other.
Republics keep a one-price store. Whoever pays the price, gets the goods. Democracy, on the contrary, expects voluntary toil, popular sacrifices and then proposes to distribute the resultant good either _pro rata_ or indiscriminately. No one can read socialistic literature without recognizing that political, social, industrial and financial democracy is the goal of its endeavor. When the supreme conflict comes between organized government, organized liberty, organized justice and bolshevism under whatsoever garb it may choose to masquerade, I do not intend anyone shall “shake his gory head” at me and say that I helped popularize their universal slogan and international shibboleth. Unless we speedily give heed we shall be fighting to make America _unsafe_ for democracy. Then we may have difficulty in explaining that we have meant all these years a very different thing than our language has expressed.
THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION
The republican character of the constitutional convention, the qualifications of the delegates, and the extent to which they trusted to the wisdom of the people.
Leslie M. Shaw opens Vanishing Landmarks with an epigraph from Daniel Webster comparing a mariner in thick weather to a nation needing to take its latitude, then immediately divides intellects into those who see but do not observe. This framing recurs throughout: Shaw repeatedly invokes natural forces—cyclones, tides, Niagara’s invisible current—to insist that surface effects demand causal investigation. The book’s structure moves from this epistemological preface into a sustained argument that management, not capital or labor, is the decisive factor in enterprise, illustrated by extended case studies of farm and factory.
Nautical and Storm Imagery as Structural Motif
Shaw’s opening epigraph from Webster—about a mariner tossed in thick weather—is not decorative. It establishes a pattern: the book returns to storms, cyclones, and navigation as metaphors for political and economic crisis. In the preface, Shaw writes of a man who “hears the roar and sees the funnel-shaped cloud” and directs his children to the cyclone cellar; such a man is not a pessimist but prudent. Later, he accuses Americans of “fiddling” while Germany advanced, and warns of a “frenzied mob” more dangerous than armed hosts. The storm imagery ties the domestic threat of Bolshevism to the recent world war, suggesting that both require the same kind of alert, causal thinking the book advocates. This recurring image gives the argument a consistent emotional register—urgency tempered by the conviction that danger can be foreseen and avoided.
The Farmer, the Merchant, and the Indispensable Manager
Shaw grounds his economic argument in concrete, homely examples. He takes the case of a farmer whose lands, tools, and livestock constitute capital, but insists that “the one absolutely indispensable element of success in farming is management.” No farmer prospers by work alone; wise management lifts the mortgage. He extends the principle to merchants: “You never knew a merchant to fail except when his management buckled.” Even failures attributed to lack of capital are, in Shaw’s analysis, failures of management that attempted too much with available resources. These examples are not abstract—they are drawn from Shaw’s own experience as a former governor and secretary of the treasury, and they serve to make his thesis concrete. The farmer and merchant are recurring figures who embody the book’s central claim that the “germ of management” is invisible but decisive.
Illustrative Instances: The Marsh Harvester and William Deering
Shaw devotes a long passage to the history of the Marsh Harvester and the rise of William Deering’s manufacturing plant. Three companies received equal territory, patents, capital, and labor; two failed utterly within five years, leaving only court records. The third, built by Deering, became the largest plant of its kind. Shaw asks: “Did capital build the Deering plant? It did not. Did labor do it? By no manner of means.” The cause was “the germ of management in the brain cells of William Deering, which no crucible would disclose and no scalpel reveal.” He reinforces this with an anecdote about Andrew Carnegie, who told Shaw that his only cleverness lay in selecting men cleverer than himself. These illustrative instances function as parables, moving from general principle to specific, named example. They give the book a narrative texture rare in political economy, and they anchor Shaw’s argument in memorable, almost folkloric stories of success and failure.
Movement from the Farm to the Federation of Labor
Shaw’s argument moves between settings with deliberate effect. After discussing the farmer and the merchant, he shifts to a Chicago federation of labor. The president of that federation, after hearing Shaw’s thoughts on management, brought friends to his platform and said: “They have talked to us about capital and labor, capital and labor, nothing but capital and labor. We knew there was another guy in there but we couldn’t find him.” Shaw then adds: “And you have got to pay that guy, too.” This movement—from the rural farm to the urban labor hall—enacts the book’s claim that the principle of management applies across all sectors. It also shows Shaw’s rhetorical strategy: he does not lecture labor leaders but reports their agreement, using their own words to validate his thesis. The scene is brief but vivid, and it exemplifies how Shaw uses reported dialogue to bridge the gap between abstract argument and lived experience.
Shaw’s book is best approached as a series of linked arguments rather than a linear treatise. Readers may find it useful to track the recurring images—storms, farms, factories—as they accumulate across chapters. The excerpts suggest that Shaw is less interested in systematic political theory than in persuading through example and analogy. His tone is urgent but not alarmist, and his examples are drawn from American life in the early twentieth century. The book rewards attention to its structural patterns and to the way Shaw moves between the general and the particular.
Reading Shaw's nautical warnings about mismanagement, I felt the same steady hand of duty I later found in Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 4 (of 7) — Background and Themes. His storms, their calm guidance—both whispered of stewards facing troubled seas, not with alarms, but with quiet, deliberate oars. A stranger pairing, perhaps, yet it lingered like an old photograph found between pages.
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