Behind the Mirrors: The Psychology of Disintegration at Washington — Reading Companion

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In Category - Government
Gilbert, Clinton W. (Clinton Wallace), 1871-1933 Project Gutenberg 2012 Not confirmed
Harding, Warren G. (Warren Gamaliel), 1865-1923; United States -- Politics and government -- 1921-1923 Readers of public-domain and historical texts
Project Gutenberg digital edition en

Edition facts

Words 58,280
Reading time 254 min
Text sections 7

Behind the Mirrors: The Psychology of Disintegration at Washington — Reading Companion can be approached with a clearer sense of reading commitment from its source measurements: 58,280 words, 4 hr 14 min estimated reading time, and 7 detected text sections.

The text analysis averages about 18.2 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.

Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Harding, Warren G. (Warren Gamaliel), 1865-1923,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.

Clinton W. Gilbert's 1922 study of the Harding administration uses psychological portraiture to dissect Washington figures, contrasting Harding's 'common sense' with Hughes's intellectual rigidity, while exposing the gap between catalog subjects and actual critical analysis.
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Editorial Edition Score 4.7/5

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  • Title & short description10 pts
  • Source metadata20 pts
  • Text length15 pts
  • Chapters / structure15 pts
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Read the Text

Man had not fallen but he had risen from such debased beginnings that he had not got far. He was in about the same place where he would have been if he had fallen.

It was easy to turn upside down our belief in the Fall of Man. We always knew there was something wrong with him, but we did not know what it was until evolution explained his unregenerate character so satisfactorily. Still the thought that Man did not move forward as fast as things, was less the special ward of Progress than automobiles, elevators and bathtubs, was vaguely disturbing.

The Greeks had left us records which showed that the human mind was as good three thousand years ago as it is today, or better. We shut our eyes to this bit of evidence by abandoning the study of the classics and excluding all allusion to them in the oratory of our Congress. And Mr. Wells in his History has since justified us by proving that the Greeks were after all only the common run of small-town folk--over-press-agented, perhaps, by some fellows in the Middle Ages who had got tired of the Church and who therefore pretended that there was something bigger and better in the world than it was.

So we pinned our hopes on the Martians and spent our time frantically signalling to the nearby planet, asking whether, when the earth grew as cold as King David when his physicians "prescribed by way of poultice a young belle," and responded only weakly to the caress of the Sun, when its oceans dried up and only a trickle of water came down through its valleys from the melting ice at its poles, we should not, like the fancied inhabitants of the nearest celestial body, have evolved at last into super-beings. We wanted some evidence from our neighbors that, in spite of the Greeks, by merely watching the clock we should arrive at a higher estate.

The point I am trying to make is that we have been conducting the most interesting of Time's experiments in the government of men at a period when Man has been at a greater discount than usual in his own mind, when self-government faced too much competition from government by the clock.

When I speak of government by the clock, I should, perhaps, use capital letters to indicate that I have in mind that timepiece on which is recorded God's Time; whose ticking is the forward march of progress. Clocks as they touch our lives require human intervention. The winders of these clocks perform something that may be described as an office.

You recall the place the clock filled in our households a generation ago. Father wound it once a week, at a stated time, as regularly as he went to church. The winding of it was a function. No other hand but father's touched the key; if one had, the whole institution of family life would have been imperiled. Father is a symbol for the government of the clock-winders, those sacred persons who translated Progress into terms of common utility.

When we descended from the regions of theocratic power to those of human institutions, we found ourselves in America to be workers in one vast countrywide workshop. The workshop touches us more directly and more importantly than does the nation. Out of the workshop comes our bread and butter. When the workshop closes down we suffer and form on line at the soup kitchens.

Three meals a day concern us more than do post-offices and federal buildings, of however white marble or however noble facades. What we have to eat and to wear, what we may put in the bank, what real freedom we enjoy, our position in the eyes of men, our happiness and unhappiness, depend on our relations to the national workshop, not on our relations to the national government.

We conceived of it vaguely as a thing which produced prosperity, not prosperity in its larger and more permanent aspects--that was ours through the beneficence of Progress and the immortal luck of our country--but prosperity in its more immediate details.

A lot of confused thinking in which survived political ideas as old as the race, converted into modern forms, entered into our conception of it. It was a thing of gods and demigods, with legends of golden fleeces and of Hercules holding up the skies. It was feudal in its privileges and immunities. It enjoyed the divine right of kings. Yet it operated under laws not made by man.

Clinton W. Gilbert's Behind the Mirrors opens with a defensive foreword recounting the success of his earlier The Mirrors of Washington, which sold nearly one hundred thousand copies. He frames political criticism as a healthy corrective to partisan newspaper coverage, arguing that a book's permanence provokes stronger reactions from politicians than daily journalism. This self-conscious positioning reveals the author's ambition to treat American politics with the same analytical rigor applied to British notables in works like The Mirrors of Downing Street.

The Psychology of Disintegration

The subtitle promises a psychological study of political decay, and Gilbert delivers a method that blends character analysis with institutional critique. He contrasts two types of mind: the 'common sense' of Warren G. Harding, which he defines via critic A.R. Orage as 'the community of the senses,' and the purely intellectual approach of Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes. Harding, Gilbert argues, senses reality; Hughes only reasons about it. This dichotomy structures the excerpt's central argument: that Hughes's statesmanship is an 'intellectual exercise' that produces elegant but ineffective notes, while true leadership requires faculties beyond logic.

Gilbert's evidence is specific. He dissects Hughes's handling of Mexican relations, reducing the Secretary's method to a formula: 'a + b = c,' where a is Carranza's decree, b is international law, and c is a diplomatic note. The author then lists countervailing facts—Mexico's restraint, its supreme court ruling, the Obregon government's stability—that Hughes ignored. This concrete example grounds the psychological claim in policy failure.

Beyond the Catalog Subjects

The catalog lists Warren G. Harding and U.S. politics 1921–1923 as subjects, but the excerpts reveal a work more interested in method than events. Gilbert does not narrate Harding's presidency chronologically; instead, he uses Harding as a foil for a broader argument about political intelligence. The foreword's emphasis on the book's own publishing history—its predecessor's success, the editor's skepticism—suggests a meta-commentary on the genre of political portraiture.

Gilbert's prose is combative and aphoristic. He writes that Hughes 'lives in a region of facts, principles, and logical deductions' and 'does not sense anything.' The author's own voice is that of a diagnostician, not a reporter. He invokes the Greek philosopher's 'Eureka' to mock Hughes's self-satisfaction. This rhetorical strategy aligns with the subtitle's promise of 'psychology' but also distances the book from straightforward political history.

The Limits of the Excerpts

The available text covers only the foreword and a portion of one chapter on Hughes. The full book likely profiles other figures—the catalog suggests Harding is a subject—but the excerpts do not reveal how Gilbert treats the president beyond the contrast with Hughes. The foreword's reference to 'the Mirrors of Washington' as a series implies a collective portrait, but the surviving sample focuses on a single comparison.

Readers should note that Gilbert's method is deductive: he asserts a psychological framework and then selects evidence to fit it. The Hughes analysis, while detailed, may not represent the book's overall structure. The author's claim that Harding's 'common sense' is superior to Hughes's intellect is provocative but unsupported by further examples in the excerpts. The full text likely develops this thesis across multiple cabinet members.

Gilbert's work rewards readers interested in the rhetoric of political criticism more than those seeking a narrative of the Harding administration. His psychological categories—common sense versus intellectualism—offer a lens for evaluating leadership, but the excerpts leave open whether the full book sustains this framework. Approach Behind the Mirrors as a period piece in the history of American political commentary, not as a comprehensive history of its era.

Reading about Harding’s placid common sense dissolving under Washington’s mirrored pressures, I recalled my grandfather’s worn copy of The Struggle between President Johnson and Congress over Reconstruction — A Reader’s Guide, its margins filled with his quiet pencil notes. Both books feel like watching two men hold their breath underwater—the surface calm never quite hiding the strain beneath.

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