The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians — Text and Context

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In Category - Political Thought
Xenophon, 432 BCE-351? BCE, Dakyns, Henry Graham, 1838-1911 [Translator] Project Gutenberg 1998 Not confirmed
Classical literature; Greece -- Politics and government -- Early works to 1800 Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 22,185
Reading time 97 min
Text sections 3

The source record for The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians — Text and Context measures this digital text at 22,185 words, 1 hr 37 min estimated reading time, and 3 detected text sections.

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Xenophon's paired analysis of Athenian and Spartan governance, translated by H. G. Dakyns. The work contrasts Athens' democratic pragmatism with Sparta's Lycurgan discipline, using specific institutional details and a critical tone toward Athenian choices.
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This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a four-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though there is doubt about some of these) is:

The Anabasis 7 The Hellenica 7 The Cyropaedia 8 The Memorabilia 4 The Symposium 1 The Economist 1 On Horsemanship 1 The Sportsman 1 The Cavalry General 1 The Apology 1 On Revenues 1 The Hiero 1 The Agesilaus 1 The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 2

Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into English using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The diacritical marks have been lost.

The Polity of the Lacedaemonians talks about the laws and institutions created by Lycurgus, which train and develop Spartan citizens from birth to old age.

THE POLITY OF THE ATHENIANS

Now, as concerning the Polity of the Athenians, (1) and the type or manner of constitution which they have chosen, (2) I praise it not, in so far as the very choice involves the welfare of the baser folk as opposed to that of the better class. I repeat, I withhold my praise so far; but, given the fact that this is the type agreed upon, I propose to show that they set about its preservation in the right way; and that those other transactions in connection with it, which are looked upon as blunders by the rest of the Hellenic world, are the reverse.

(1) See Grote, "H. G." vi. p. 47 foll.; Thuc. i. 76, 77; viii. 48; Boeckh, "P. E. A." passim; Hartman, "An. Xen. N." cap. viii.; Roquette, "Xen. Vit." S. 26; Newman, "Pol. Arist." i. 538; and "Xenophontis qui fertur libellus de Republica Atheniensium," ed. A. Kirchhoff (MDCCCLXXIV), whose text I have chiefly followed.

(2) Lit. "I do not praise their choice of the (particular) type, in so far as..."

In the first place, I maintain, it is only just that the poorer classes (3) and the People of Athens should be better off than the men of birth and wealth, seeing that it is the people who man the fleet, (4) and put round the city her girdle of power. The steersman, (5) the boatswain, the lieutenant, (6) the look-out-man at the prow, the shipright--these are the people who engird the city with power far rather than her heavy infantry (7) and men of birth of quality. This being the case, it seems only just that offices of state should be thrown open to every one both in the ballot (8) and the show of hands, and that the right of speech should belong to any one who likes, without restriction. For, observe, (9) there are many of these offices which, according as they are in good or in bad hands, are a source of safety or of danger to the People, and in these the People prudently abstains from sharing; as, for instance, it does not think it incumbent on itself to share in the functions of the general or of the commander of cavalry. (10) The sovereign People recognises the fact that in forgoing the personal exercise of these offices, and leaving them to the control of the more powerful (11) citizens, it secures the balance of advantage to itself. It is only those departments of government which bring emolument (12) and assist the private estate that the People cares to keep in its own hands.

(3) Cf. "Mem." I. ii. 58 foll.

(4) Lit. "ply the oar and propel the galleys."

(5) See "Econ." viii. 14; Pollux, i. 96; Arist. "Knights," 543 foll.; Plat. "Laws," v. 707 A; Jowett, "Plat." v. 278 foll.; Boeckh, "P. E. A." bk. ii. ch. xxi.

(6) Lit. "pentecontarch;" see Dem. "In Pol." 1212.

(7) Aristot. "Pol." vi. 7; Jowett, "The Politics of Aristotle," vol. i. p. 109.

(8) {klerotoi}, {airetoi}.

(9) Reading with Kirchhoff, {epeo tou}, or if {epeita}, "in the next place."

(11) Cf. "Hipparch." i. 9; "Econ." ii. 8.

(12) E.g. the {dikasteria}.

Xenophon opens his account of the Athenian polity with a pointed refusal to praise the constitution itself, stating plainly that the choice of democracy favors the welfare of the baser folk over the better class. Yet he immediately pivots to argue that, given this agreed-upon type, the Athenians preserve it in the right way. This rhetorical move—withholding moral approval while granting practical effectiveness—sets the tone for a work that is less a neutral description than a comparative argument. The translator, H. G. Dakyns, renders Xenophon's Greek into a formal, slightly archaic English that preserves the oratorical cadence of the original. The text proceeds through specific institutions: the treatment of slaves, the navy, the allies, and the courts, all examined through the lens of how they serve democratic stability.

A Reluctant Defense of Democracy

Xenophon's opening sentence establishes a paradox: he does not praise the Athenian constitution because it empowers the lower classes, but he will show that the Athenians preserve it correctly. This framing is crucial—the author is not an advocate but a critic who nonetheless respects the system's internal logic. The text repeatedly uses the phrase 'I maintain' to introduce arguments, giving the work a forensic quality. For example, he argues that the Athenians are right to let slaves and metics live without restraint because it serves the city's naval power. The reasoning is coldly pragmatic: democracy's flaws are also its strengths. The translator's notes, such as references to Grote and Kirchhoff, indicate a scholarly tradition that has long debated whether this text is genuinely Xenophontic or a later rhetorical exercise.

The Spartan Counterpoint: Lycurgus's Design

The second half of the work turns to Sparta, where Xenophon's tone shifts from critical analysis to something closer to admiration. He describes the laws of Lycurgus as a deliberate system that trains citizens from birth to old age. The language becomes more vivid: Spartan youths are said to be 'more modest than the very maidens in their eyes,' a phrase that the translator notes was criticized by Longinus as a 'pretty conceit.' The text details specific practices: the selection of Hippagretai, the public fights among young men, and the requirement that even adults hunt as a form of training. Xenophon emphasizes that Lycurgus made obedience to law override rage, and that the ephors could punish those who disobeyed peacemakers. The contrast with Athens is implicit but sharp: where Athens adapts to human nature, Sparta remolds it.

Voice and Diction: The Translator's Choices

Dakyns's translation, produced in the late nineteenth century, uses a formal register that occasionally feels archaic: 'stripling' for young men, 'pastor of youth' for the paidonomos, and 'on this wise' for 'in this way.' These choices give the text a biblical or legal flavor, distancing it from modern colloquial speech. The translator also includes bracketed transliterations of Greek terms, such as {phidition} for the common mess, and footnotes that cite other ancient sources. This apparatus reminds the reader that the text is a scholarly artifact. The prose rhythm is periodic, with long sentences that pile up clauses: 'Necessity, moreover, is laid upon them to study a good habit of the body, coming as they do to blows with their fists for very strife's sake whenever they meet.' Such constructions mirror Xenophon's own Greek syntax, which often subordinates details to a main argument.

Recurring Structural Motifs

Throughout both polities, Xenophon returns to the theme of emulation and strife as engines of social order. In Athens, competition among the demos for influence drives the system; in Sparta, the selection of the Hippagretai creates 'a strife in truest sense acceptable to heaven.' The word 'strife' appears repeatedly, always as a positive force when channeled by law. Another motif is the contrast between appearance and reality: the Athenians are criticized for their choices but praised for their preservation; the Spartans appear austere but are shown to be deeply strategic. The text also uses direct address to the reader, as when Xenophon says 'I will now explain' or 'let us consider.' These rhetorical gestures create a sense of dialogue, as if the author is arguing a case before an audience. The structure itself—first Athens, then Sparta—invites comparison, though Xenophon never makes the comparison explicit.

Readers approaching this work should attend to its argumentative structure rather than expecting a neutral survey. Xenophon's praise is always conditional, his criticism always tactical. The translator's notes and bracketed Greek terms offer a window into the textual history, but the core experience is rhetorical: watching a fifth-century Athenian intellectual dissect two rival systems. For those interested in ancient political thought, this text rewards careful reading of its qualifying clauses and strategic omissions.

Reading Xenophon’s contrast between Athenian pragmatism and Spartan discipline, I kept thinking of my grandfather’s old copy of Unpopular government in the United States — Story, Setting & Ideas. He’d underline passages about civic friction, and I remember feeling that same quiet awe—how institutions mirror a people’s temperament, not the other way around. Both books left me lingering on margins, tracing the cost of our choices.

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