A Short History of English Liberalism — Inside the Classic
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This was the first expression of Imperial unity. But what was that unity worth, which was employed for the shameful purpose of destroying the local independence which it existed only to maintain? The whole justification of the Empire was that it enabled communities of different characters to grow freely within it, and the war destroyed what war should never have been undertaken except to preserve. The difference of opinion about that grave event marked the characteristic difference between Liberal and Tory. The life of the individual parts is everything to the Liberal, and their organization is only tolerable in so far as it protects and encourages that life. It is not to him, as it is to the Tory, a thing in itself, a permanent segregation of his race from the rest of humanity, a monopoly and a preserve, to be maintained as a weight in the balance of international power. Nor has he any doubt that the loosely knit federation, which he prefers, will prove in the end stronger against Foreign enemies than the drilled and disciplined union which the Tories want. The Roman Empire collapsed because of this unnatural perfection of strength. The native vigour and independence of its parts were sacrificed to centralization. By enslaving the minds of her dependents to the Imperial idea, Rome threw herself open to less organized but more individualistic enemies. By leaving the inhabitants of her Dominions to develop themselves according to their own ideas, and not by managing them as potential weapons against the foreigner, Great Britain has brought herself to her present strength. A conscript army may be maintained for an indefinite period by constantly renewing the recruits. Nations cannot be renewed, and a conscript Empire must inevitably perish of its own rigidity.
Blease opens by distinguishing liberalism from policy, calling it a 'habit of mind' that assumes equal worth and opportunity for all. He immediately grounds this in a Burke epigraph warning against abstractions, signaling the work's pragmatic, historical approach. The book is not a narrative of events but a reading of them through a philosophical lens, with politics as the primary field.
Defining Liberalism as a Habit of Mind
Blease's first chapter sets the conceptual stage: liberalism is 'the disposition of the man who looks upon each of his fellows as of equal worth with himself.' He stresses non-interference and equal opportunity, not equal capacity or privilege. This definition recurs as a touchstone throughout the excerpts, applied to colonial governance and religious endowments. The author explicitly distinguishes his approach from a mere chronicle of events, aiming instead to trace 'the process of modification' in politics. The Burke quotation reinforces the rejection of abstract universals in favor of circumstance-guided judgment.
Colonial Self-Government as a Liberal Principle
A central case study is the Australian Colonies Government Act of 1850, which allowed colonies to alter their own constitutions. Blease cites Molesworth's principle that 'all affairs of merely local concern should be left to the regulation of the local authorities,' with exceptions only for Imperial clashes or oppression of vulnerable classes. He notes the irony that later Tories championed self-governing communities that would have revolted under earlier Tory doctrine. The excerpts show how this liberal temper shaped the Empire's growth, with rare disallowances of colonial acts (e.g., on copyright, immigration, marriage) becoming rarer over time.
The Clergy Reserves Controversy
In 1853, the question of Canadian Clergy Reserves—lands appropriated for church endowments—tested Parliament's fidelity to local self-rule. The Canadian Legislature sought full power over these endowments, while the Church of England fought to maintain its privileged status. Blease quotes a bishop's demand that 'the Church at least should be maintained at all costs,' even as other concessions were made. The issue pitted local control against Imperial religious establishment, with Sir John Pakington and Lord John Manners arguing for the Church's property rights. Blease presents this as a clear instance of liberal versus Tory approaches to colonial governance.
Structure and Movement Across Eras
The book's fourteen chapters move chronologically from George III to the post-1906 period, but Blease repeatedly loops back to conceptual themes. The excerpts show a pattern: each chapter introduces a political conflict, then analyzes it through the liberal 'habit of mind' lens. Recurring images include the 'line between local and Imperial interests' being pushed back, and the 'freak of political fortune' that makes Tories champions of self-government. The author frequently contrasts abstract Tory principles with liberal pragmatism, as in the Burke epigraph. This structural rhythm—definition, case study, ironic reversal—gives the work a consistent analytical voice.
Readers will benefit from attending to Blease's recurring definition of liberalism as a disposition rather than a fixed policy. The colonial examples, especially the Clergy Reserves debate, illustrate how he tests this definition against concrete political struggles. The book rewards those who follow its thematic threads across chapters, rather than treating it as a straightforward historical narrative.
Blease’s liberals were a restless sort, forever measuring the gap between the state’s promise and its practice. I’ve often set that old habit of mind beside the quieter challenge in Unpopular government in the United States — Story, Setting & Ideas, where the machinery itself feels like a living doubt. For years, those two have seemed to whisper to each other across my shelves, sharing one stubborn question about consent.
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