Peace with Mexico — Story, Setting & Ideas

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Gallatin, Albert, 1761-1849 Project Gutenberg 2010 Not confirmed
United States -- Politics and government -- 1845-1849 Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 15,870
Reading time 69 min
Text sections 2

The source record for Peace with Mexico — Story, Setting & Ideas measures this digital text at 15,870 words, 1 hr 9 min estimated reading time, and 2 detected text sections.

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Albert Gallatin's 1847 pamphlet argues against the Mexican-American War, dissecting the administration's territorial claims and advocating for a negotiated peace based on natural boundaries and international law.
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E-text prepared by Julia Miller, Joseph R. Hauser, and the Project Gutenberg Online Distributed Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by Internet Archive/American Libraries (http://www.archive.org/details/americana)

Note: Images of the original pages are available through Internet Archive/American Libraries. See http://www.archive.org/details/peacewithmexicob00gallrich

Bartlett & Welford: No. 7 Astor House, New York.

I.--THE LAW OF NATIONS.

It seems certain that Mexico must ultimately submit to such terms of peace as the United States shall dictate. An heterogeneous population of seven millions, with very limited resources and no credit; distracted by internal dissensions, and by the ambition of its chiefs, a prey by turns to anarchy and to military usurpers; occupying among the nations of the civilized world, either physically or mentally, whether in political education, social state, or any other respect, but an inferior position; cannot contend successfully with an energetic, intelligent, enlightened and united nation of twenty millions, possessed of unlimited resources and credit, and enjoying all the benefits of a regular, strong, and free government. All this was anticipated; but the extraordinary successes of the Americans have exceeded the most sanguine expectations. All the advanced posts of the enemy, New Mexico, California, the line of the lower Rio Norte, and all the sea ports, which it was deemed necessary to occupy, have been subdued. And a small force, apparently incompetent to the object, has penetrated near three hundred miles into the interior, and is now in quiet possession of the far-famed metropolis of the Mexican dominions. The superior skill and talents of our distinguished generals, and the unparalleled bravery of our troops, have surmounted all obstacles. By whomsoever commanded on either side; however strong the positions and fortifications of the Mexicans, and with a tremendous numerical superiority, there has not been a single engagement, in which they have not been completely defeated. The most remarkable and unexpected feature of that warfare is, that volunteers, wholly undisciplined in every sense of the word, have vied in devotedness and bravery with the regular forces, and have proved themselves, in every instance, superior in the open field to the best regular forces of Mexico. These forces are now annihilated or dispersed; and the Mexicans are reduced to a petty warfare of guerillas which, however annoying, cannot be productive of any important results.

It is true, that these splendid successes have been purchased at a price far exceeding their value. It is true that, neither the glory of these military deeds, nor the ultimate utility of our conquests can compensate the lamentable loss of the many thousand valuable lives sacrificed in the field, of the still greater number who have met with an obscure death, or been disabled by disease and fatigue. It is true that their relatives, their parents, their wives and children find no consolation, for the misery inflicted upon them, in the still greater losses experienced by the Mexicans. But if, disregarding private calamities and all the evils of a general nature, the necessary consequences of this war, we revert solely to the relative position of the two countries, the impotence of the Mexicans and their total inability to continue the war, with any appearance of success, are still manifest.

The question then occurs: What are the terms which the United States have a right to impose on Mexico? All agree that it must be an "honorable peace;" but the true meaning of this word must in the first place be ascertained.

The notion, that anything can be truly honorable which is contrary to justice, will, as an abstract proposition, be repudiated by every citizen of the United States. Will any one dare to assert, that a peace can be honorable, which does not conform with justice?

Albert Gallatin, the former Secretary of the Treasury under Jefferson and Madison, published Peace with Mexico in 1847 as a direct intervention in the national debate over the Mexican-American War. The pamphlet opens not with abstract principle but with a stark admission of American military success: the United States has subdued New Mexico, California, and the lower Rio Grande, and its troops occupy Mexico City. Yet Gallatin immediately pivots to cost—the loss of thousands of lives—and to the question of right. The work is structured as a lawyerly brief, moving from the law of nations to a detailed critique of the administration's territorial claims, then to the practical consequences of annexation. Gallatin's voice is measured, his sentences long and clause-filled, but his argument is relentless: victory does not confer justice.

The Opening Gambit: Acknowledging Victory to Question Its Worth

Gallatin begins by conceding what his opponents would boast of: the United States has won every engagement, volunteers have proven superior to Mexican regulars, and the enemy is reduced to guerrilla warfare. This concession is strategic. By granting the military facts, he clears ground for his real argument—that these successes have been purchased at a price far exceeding their value. The phrase recurs in different forms throughout the pamphlet, a refrain that ties together the ethical and practical dimensions of the war. Gallatin does not deny American bravery or skill; he redirects attention to the cost and the purpose. This opening section establishes a pattern: he will meet the war's advocates on their own ground, then shift the terms of debate.

The Law of Nations as a Framework for Restraint

Gallatin invokes the law of nations not as a set of abstract rules but as a practical check on power. He argues that conquest alone does not confer title; the United States must justify its claims by right, not by force. The pamphlet examines the administration's distinction between New Mexico (treated as conquered territory) and the left bank of the Rio Grande (granted to Texas). Gallatin finds this distinction arbitrary and unsupported by evidence. He insists that the same standard must apply to both regions. His method is forensic: he quotes the President's own instructions to General Taylor, showing that the administration initially recognized Mexican settlements on the eastern bank as beyond Texan jurisdiction. The shift in policy, he implies, is opportunistic.

The Desert as a Natural Boundary and a Moral Limit

One of the pamphlet's most striking passages describes a desert of one hundred and twenty miles separating the southwestern Texan settlements from those of Mexico. Gallatin proposes this desert as a natural boundary, arguing that a nominal line through it would prevent future collisions. He contrasts this with the Rio Grande, which he calls an intolerable nuisance—a narrow river that would invite bombardment, slave escapes, and perpetual conflict. The desert, by contrast, offers security for the weaker power. Gallatin's language here is concrete and almost geographical: he specifies which waters empty into which river, and he warns that a joint right of navigation on the Rio Grande would produce unavoidable collisions. The desert becomes a figure for restraint, a physical limit that policy should respect.

The Unspoken Question of Slavery

Gallatin raises the issue of slavery obliquely but pointedly. He asks whether the United States is prepared to impose on Mexico, where slavery is unknown, the obligation to surrender fugitive slaves. The question is rhetorical, but it exposes a contradiction: the administration's territorial ambitions would force a free-soil nation to enforce the property claims of slaveholders. Gallatin does not develop this into a full argument against slavery; his focus remains on the injustice of the war and the impracticality of the proposed boundary. But the question lingers, suggesting that the war's consequences extend beyond territory to the moral and legal order of the continent. The pamphlet thus anticipates later debates over the extension of slavery into the conquered lands.

Gallatin's pamphlet is best read as a specimen of political argument in a moment of crisis—a former statesman using the tools of international law, historical precedent, and geographical reasoning to challenge a popular war. Readers should attend to his method: he concedes what he cannot deny, then shifts the burden of proof onto his opponents. The work is not a comprehensive history of the conflict but a targeted intervention, and its value lies in the precision of its objections. For those interested in the moral and legal debates surrounding the Mexican-American War, Peace with Mexico offers a clear, principled dissent.

Reading Gallatin’s plea for restraint, I felt the weary patience of someone watching a nation choose pride over wisdom. It reminded me of another quiet voice, examining how a country’s story pulls against its conscience. That same unhurried reflection lives in Russia — Text and Context, where history sits heavily, asking to be understood rather than conquered.

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