Government in Republican China — Key Ideas to Explore

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Linebarger, Paul Myron Anthony, 1913-1966 Project Gutenberg 2012 Not confirmed
China -- Politics and government -- 1912-1949 Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 78,098
Reading time 340 min
Text sections 10

The source record for Government in Republican China — Key Ideas to Explore measures this digital text at 78,098 words, 5 hr 40 min estimated reading time, and 10 detected text sections.

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Linebarger's 1938 study examines China's republican government from 1912 to 1949, focusing on the interplay between militarism, nationalism, and institutional fragility. The author's analytical voice blends political science with vivid, often grim, observations of warlord-era China, drawing on firsthand sources and contemporary reports.
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Confucian thought fertilizing age after age of China's social existence and Sun's purposeful ideological adaptations combined in his _San Min Chu I_ are shown in fundamental harmony. One distinction, however, stands out clearly. The Confucian tradition applied itself to a vaguely conceived but essentially unified world order. In the _San Min Chu I_ we encounter the elements of a national credo, self-assertive and militant.

The role of ideology in modern government has suffered curious neglect among students of politics for a considerable time. In periods of relative ideational saturation or stagnation, the mechanics of constitutional law or the give and take of legislative barter may distract from the basic framework of values and objectives giving shape to the political order. The rise of totalitarian systems relying heavily on ideological appeal and propaganda techniques has laid new stress upon those factors which predetermine political behavior. In China's vast experience we have the supreme example of ideological guidance so firmly established as to reduce to a minimum direct governmental intervention in the affairs of the individual. It is perhaps Sun Yat-sen's tragedy that for years he placed his faith in the magic of democratic verbiage imported from the West; a new orientation came to prevail after 1923, when at Sun's instance tested practitioners of mass organization from the Soviet Union began to overhaul and streamline the Kuomintang apparatus.

Government in China has become migratory as a result of Japan's advance. A mere description of its previous structure and functions would today have little relevance. But Dr. Linebarger has probed deeply enough into the foundations of Chinese political life to distinguish with uncommon discernment between the ephemeral and the durable. His long-range exposition transcends the exigencies of the hour and delineates the issues of China's future.

FRITZ MORSTEIN MARX. ADAMS HOUSE, HARVARD UNIVERSITY.

I am deeply indebted to the five gentlemen who have read the entire manuscript in some one of its stages. My father, Judge Paul Myron Wentworth Linebarger, has given me tireless help in this as in all my projects, for which I shall never be able to tender sufficient thanks. My teacher, Professor Harley Farnsworth MacNair of the University of Chicago, supplied numerous addenda and corrigenda of great value from his knowledge of modern Chinese history. Professor Arthur N. Holcombe of Harvard University suggested changes which have made the work more realistic. Assistance offered me by the Sinologue and philosopher, Professor H. H. Dubs of Duke University, was of the utmost value. Professor Paul H. Clyde, Duke University, provided many useful and significant hints, especially in the field of Sino-foreign relations.

I am also under obligation to Mr. J. C. Yang, Library of Congress, and Professor James R. Ware, Harvard University, for further suggestions; to Professor Charles Sidney Gardner and Dr. John Fairbank, Harvard University, and Professor George Kennedy, Yale University, for aid in the general course of my Chinese studies; to Professor Maria Magdalena Schoch, until recently of the University of Hamburg, Germany, for a critical reading of the revised manuscript; and to Miss Hazel Foster and Mr. M. F. Nelson for similar assistance. Mrs. W. M. Gibson, Miss Whitty Daniel, and my wife have helped in the preparation of the manuscript.

P. M. A. L. DURHAM, N. C., _August_, 1938.

FOREWORD BY FRITZ MORSTEIN MARX vii

INTRODUCTION 1 Duality or Confluence? 1 The Peculiarities of Old China 2 The Peculiarities of Modern China 6 The World Significance of Chinese Government 7 The Main Factors in Modern Chinese Government 9 The Approach 11

CHAPTER I CONFUCIANISM 13 The Ages before Confucius 13 The Ideology Called Confucian 15 Government in the Confucian Ideology 18 The Replacement of the Confucian Ideology 22 The Chief Movements in the Rebuilding of China 24 Confucianism in the Republic 26

CHAPTER II THE RISE OF NATIONALISM 31 Nationalism: Patriotic Anti-Manchu Phase 31 Nationalism: Revolutionary Modernist Phase 34 Nationalism: Republican Phase 36 Nationalism: Constitutionalist Phase 38 The Political Doctrines of Sun Yat-sen 41 Opportunist Movements and Their Anticonstitutional Effects 44 Christianity as a Political Force 48 Nationalism: Social Revolutionary Phase 50

CHAPTER III BATTLING CREEDS 57 Nationalism: Governing Phase 57 Independent Marxism in China 63 Japanese Efforts to Participate in Creating a New China 69 Patriotism: The United Front 72

CHAPTER IV WARRIORS 76 Military Rule and Political Economy 76 The Downfall of the Charioteers 79 Military Elements in Chinese Imperial History 83 The Military Organization of the Manchu Dynasty 86 The Army and the Republican Revolution 97

CHAPTER V CAUSES 102 The Age of the War Lords 102 The Age of Air Conquest 108 Governmental and Political Role of the Armies 113 War and the Agrarian Economy 115 Imperialism and Chinese Wars 119

THIRD PART GOVERNMENTS

CHAPTER VI THE EMPIRE 126 Government to the End of the Warring States 126 The Chinese Imperial Government 129 Family, Village, and _Hui_ 136 Governmental Changes Foreshadowing the Republic 139

Linebarger opens his study not with a dry institutional history but with a stark image: two nations locked in a 'murderous embrace' while nominally at peace. This framing, from the foreword by Fritz Morstein Marx, sets the tone for a work that treats China's republican experiment as a living, violent process rather than a settled system. The author, writing in 1938 as Japan's invasion raged, makes no pretense of detached neutrality; his prose carries the urgency of a scholar watching his subject burn.

The book's language oscillates between clinical political analysis and visceral description. When discussing militarism, Linebarger writes that it 'machine-gunned the Confucian ethics out of politics'—a metaphor that reveals his willingness to blend the abstract with the concrete. This stylistic choice mirrors the chaos he describes: a world where ideas and bullets collide.

The Grammar of Violence

Linebarger's treatment of warlord-era militarism is notable for its structural analysis embedded in brutal specificity. He traces a feedback loop: military taxation drives peasants off the land, turning them into bandits or soldiers; bandits are absorbed into armies, which require more taxes, creating more displaced peasants. The prose tightens as he cites estimated troop numbers—from 1.37 million in 1921 to nearly 2 million five years later—then undercuts the abstraction with a contemporary report on death rates: 'the care of the wounded is barbarously primitive.'

The author does not simply condemn; he dissects. He notes that Chinese officers theorized that if recruiting stopped, disease and desertion would eliminate armies in ten years. This cold arithmetic sits alongside passages on how railways, built for military purposes, accidentally fostered national consciousness by mixing soldiers from different provinces. The tension between intended destruction and unintended nation-building drives the section's argument.

Voices of the Warlords

Linebarger populates his narrative with a rogues' gallery of regional strongmen, each tagged with a parenthetical epithet: Yen Hsi-shan ('The Model Governor'), Fêng Yü-hsiang ('The Christian General'), Chang Chung-chang, 'significant more for his brutality than for his political and military position.' The nicknames are not decorative; they signal how these figures were packaged for domestic and foreign audiences. The 'quaint, conservative scholar' Wu P'ei-fu stands in the Yangtze valley, a reminder that intellectual pretension could coexist with military command.

The author's voice shifts when assessing these men's intellectual blind spots. He observes that the generals were 'surprisingly ignorant of the power of ideas, ineffectual in their censorship, oblivious to the great leverage of undercover agitation.' This judgment is not moral but strategic: they trusted arms and missed that their opposition was 'not military but mental.' The phrasing echoes the book's broader argument that China's republican government was undone less by external force than by internal failures of imagination.

Pace and the Pressure of Events

The book's rhythm changes markedly between analytical passages and embedded primary sources. Linebarger frequently interrupts his own argument with block quotations from reports, letters, or official documents. One such insertion—a long excerpt on recruiting conditions in North China—slows the narrative to a crawl, forcing the reader to sit with the raw data: high death rates from disease, 'barbarously primitive' care, the casual assumption that ten percent annual attrition would erase armies. These textual speed bumps are deliberate; they prevent the analysis from becoming too smooth, too detached.

Conversely, Linebarger accelerates when synthesizing. His summary of militarism's effects—'it taxed the land into ruin; it laid China wide open to imperialistic thrusts'—uses parallel clauses to drive home cumulative damage. The sentence structure itself mimics the cascading consequences he describes. Readers attuned to pacing will notice how the author modulates tempo to match his subject: slow for evidence, fast for judgment.

Linebarger's study rewards attention to its rhetorical architecture. The foreword's framing of China's 'undeclared war' with Japan colors every subsequent page, even when the text discusses earlier periods. Readers should watch for how the author uses contemporary events—the 1937 Marco Polo Bridge incident—as a lens to reinterpret the entire republican era. The book is as much about the historian's position in time as about its ostensible subject. Approach it as a document of 1938 as well as a study of 1912–1937.

Sometimes I think of Linebarger’s grim chronicle of warlord China, that fragile machinery of state, and I remember the quieter intimacy of A Political Diary, 1828-1830, Volume II — Inside the Classic. Both share a patient witness to power’s slow unraveling, one from afar, one from within a study’s warm lamplight. A kinship of observation, really. Two voices, each holding their century’s uneasy breath.

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