"Swingin round the cirkle" — A Reader’s Guide
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er did a party commence better. Jaxon wus a honist man, who knew that righteousnis wuz the nashun's best holt. But he died, and a host uv tuppenny politicians, with his great name for capital, jumped into his old clothes, an undertook to run the party. Ef the Dimocracy coold hev elected a honist man every fourth or fifth term, they mite hev ground along for a longer period, but alars! Jaxon wuz the last of that style we hed, and so many dishonist cusses wuz then in the Capital that his ghost coodent watch the half uv them.
"The fust installment uv deth we reseeved wuz when Harrison beet us. The old pollytishens in our party didn't mind it, for, sez they, 'The Treasurey woodent hev bin wuth mutch to us ennyhow after the suckin it has experienced for 12 years; it needs 4 years uv rest.' We elected Poke, and here it wuz that Sin got a complete hold uv us. Anshent compacts made with the devil wuz alluz ritten in blud. We made a contract with Calhoonism, and that wuz ritten in blud wich wuz shed in Mexico. Here we sold ourselves out, boots and britches, to the cotton Democricy, and don't our history ever sence prove the trooth uv the text, 'The wages uv sin is deth?' O, my frends! in wat hevy installments, and how regularly, hez these wages bin pade us.
"Our men uv character commenst leavin us. Silas Write kicked out, and wood hev gone over agin us hed he not fortunately died too soon, and skores uv uthers followed soot. Things went on until Peerse wuz elected. The Devil (wich is cotton), whom we wuz servin, brot Kansas into the ring, and wat a skatterin ensood.
"Agin, the men uv character got out, and gradually but shoorly the work uv deth went on. Bookannon wuz elected, but wuz uv no yoose to us. After Peerse hed run the machine four yeers, wat wuz there left? Eko ansers. Anuther siftin follered, and the old party wich wunst boasted a Jaxon hed got down to a Vallandigum. The Devil, to wich we hed sold ourselves, wood not let us off with this, however. 'The wages uv sin is deth,' and we hed not reseeved full pay ez yet. He instigated South Karliny to rebel; he indoosed the other Democratic States to foller; he forced the Northern Democrisy to support em, and so on. That wuz the final stroke. Dickinson, and Cass, and Dix, and Todd, and Logan, all left us, and wun by wun the galaxy uv Northern stars disappeared from the Democratic firmament, leaving Noo Gersey alone, and last fall, my brethrin, she sot in gloom.
"Oh, how true it is! We served sin faithfully, and where are we? We went to war for slavery, and slavery is dead. We fit for a confederacy, and the confederacy is dead. We fit for States Rites, and States Rites is dead. And Democracy tied herself to all these corpses, and they hev stunk her to death.
"Kentucky went heavy into the sin biznis, and whar is Kentucky? We sent our men to the confedrit army, and none uv em cum back, ceptin the skulkers, who comprised all uv that class wich we wood hev bin glad to hev killed. Linkin wantid to hev us free our niggers, and be compensatid for em. We held on to the sin uv niggers, and now they are taken from us with nary a compensate. In short, whatever uv good the Devil promised us in pollytix hez resulted in evil. My niggers is gone, my plantashen here hez fed alternately both armies, ez they cavorted backerds and forrerds through the Stait, my house and barns wuz burnt, and all I hev to show for my property is Confedrit munny, which is a very dead article uv death. I know not what the venerable old sucker in the pulpit wuz a goin to say, but ef he kin look over this section uv the heritage, and cant preach a elokent sermon on that text, he aint much on the preach. I'm dun."
Uv coarse, after a ebulition of this kind, I cooldn't go on. I dismist the awdience with a benedickshun, hopin to get em together when sich prejudiced men aint present.
PETROLEUM V. NASBY, Lait Paster uv the Church uv the Noo Dispensashun.
The Effect the Proclamation of Secretary Seward produced in Kentucky.
CONFEDRIT × ROADS (wich is in the Stait uv Kentucky), December 20, 1865.
The fictional Petroleum V. Nasby, a self-styled "lait Paster uv the Church uv the Noo Dispensashun" and postmaster at Confederate X Roads, Kentucky, serves as the mouthpiece for a biting satire of post-Civil War Democratic politics. His letters, ostensibly written to the public press in 1866, are collected here with a dedication to President Andrew Johnson, whom Nasby praises as "the Pride and Hope uv Dimocrisy." The book's title refers to Johnson's "swing around the circle" speaking tour, which Nasby's letters both mimic and mock.
Through Nasby's exaggerated dialect and self-serving logic, the author David Ross Locke targets the racial attitudes and political opportunism of the era. The letters are framed as earnest advice to the Democratic Party, but their absurd premises—such as justifying the caning of a congressman or lamenting the loss of enslaved labor—reveal the satirical intent.
Nasby's Voice and Dialect
The most immediate feature of the text is its sustained use of a heavily misspelled, colloquial dialect meant to represent Nasby's rustic ignorance. Words like "uv" for "of," "wich" for "which," and "hed" for "had" appear consistently, creating a phonetic barrier that forces slow reading. This is not mere decoration: the dialect signals Nasby's lack of education and his pretension to wisdom, as when he claims his bald head makes him suited to preside over meetings. The misspellings extend to proper names—"Rosso" for Rousseau, "Grinnell" for Grinnell—suggesting a character who is barely literate yet confident in his political opinions.
Locke uses this voice to undercut Nasby's arguments. When Nasby declares that "there hezn't bin anythin amoozin in Dimocrisy for the past five years," the reader is meant to see the absurdity of a man who finds nothing amusing in his own party's recent defeats. The dialect also allows for puns and double meanings; "swingin round the cirkle" refers both to Johnson's tour and to the circular logic of Nasby's reasoning.
Racial Politics and the "Nigger" Question
Nasby's letters repeatedly return to the status of freed slaves, whom he refers to exclusively with the period's derogatory term. In one passage, he laments that "we can't any longer compel the nigger to furnish us the means" and argues that "what we cannot do by force we must do by financeerin." This reveals a central tension: the Democratic characters in the book resent the loss of slave labor but are forced to adapt to new economic realities. Nasby praises a fellow Democrat for "vanquishing" a Black man in a contest of skill, claiming it demonstrates "the sooperiority uv the Anglo-Saxon mind."
The satire becomes explicit in the resolutions passed at a meeting to endorse General Rousseau, who caned a congressman. The resolutions thank Rousseau for "his manly vindication uv the character uv Kentucky" and suggest he pick a fight with the elderly Thaddeus Stevens. The juxtaposition of violent rhetoric with mock-heroic language exposes the hypocrisy of the "chivalrous" Southern code. Nasby's casual mention of "the Memphis riots" as a cause for celebration further underscores the brutality that underlies the humor.
Structure and Satirical Targets
The book is organized as a series of dated letters, each addressing a specific political event or issue from 1866. The table of contents lists titles such as "After the New Jersey Election," "The President's 22d of February Speech," and "The Great Presidential Excursion." This structure allows Locke to comment on real events through Nasby's distorted lens. The dedication to Andrew Johnson is itself a satirical gesture, praising Johnson for having "swung around the entire cirkle uv offishl honor" without "feelin his Oats much."
Nasby's self-importance is a running joke. He claims his book fills "a vacancy in the mind uv the public" and that he wrote not for amusement but for "the enlitenment uv an ongrateful public." The inclusion of a "Prefis, or Interductry Chapter" parodies the conventions of political memoirs. Thomas Nast's illustrations, mentioned on the title page, would have complemented the text's visual humor, though they are not included in this digital edition. The cumulative effect is a layered critique of Democratic Party rhetoric, racial ideology, and the cult of personality around Johnson.
Readers should approach Swingin Round the Cirkle as a period piece that demands attention to its linguistic and historical context. The dialect can be challenging, but it is essential to the satire. Comparing Nasby's letters to actual newspaper accounts from 1866 will illuminate how closely Locke shadowed real political arguments. The book rewards those who read slowly, parsing the misspellings for their ironic intent. It stands as a document of Reconstruction-era humor, one that uses laughter to expose the contradictions of its time.
There’s a strange ache in Nasby’s letters—how loudly he protests, how thinly his certainty hides his fear. I remembered that feeling turning the pages of Speeches on Questions of Public Policy, Volume 1 — Themes and Context, where the same era speaks in full sentences instead of disguises. Some voices age into honesty. Others just stay loud, and we listen anyway.
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