The Masques of Ottawa — Key Ideas to Explore

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In Category - Government
Bridle, Augustus, 1869-1952 Project Gutenberg 2007 Not confirmed
Statesmen -- Canada; Canada -- Biography; Canada -- Politics and government -- 1867- Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Edition facts

Words 93,765
Reading time 408 min
Text sections 8

The catalog record for The Masques of Ottawa — Key Ideas to Explore provides practical reading context through 93,765 words, 6 hr 48 min estimated reading time, and 8 detected text sections.

The text analysis averages about 18.7 words per sentence, while the detected sections provide another way to judge how the source is divided.

Project Gutenberg metadata also associates the work with “Statesmen -- Canada,” connecting these edition facts with the source record’s subject description.

Augustus Bridle's 1921 portrait of Canadian political figures uses theatrical metaphor to examine statesmen like Laurier and Hughes, blending scenic description with critical biography. The opening chapter frames Ottawa as a 'play-house,' while later sections detail wartime leadership and the strains of voluntary enlistment.
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Imagination was not absent when Ottawa was created. But it needs more than common imagination to foresee whether these political playboys of the northern world are going to be worthy of the great audience soon to arise in the country that converges upon Ottawa.

Sometimes in Parliament you catch the vibration of big momentums in a nation's progress. Voices now and then arise in speech that reflect some greatness of vision. More often the actors are sitting indolently, hearing the clack of worn-out principals whose struts and grimaces and cadences are those of men whose cues should lead them to the dressing rooms, or to the wings, or somewhere into the maze of the back drop where nobody takes part in the show. Or they listen to men whose big informing idea constantly is that all we need to make economic happiness for everybody is to turn out the company now in and get another from the furrows. These latter believe that a nation is a condition of free trade--mainly on behalf of the farmer whose average idea of industry is a blacksmith shop on a farm.

One's head inclines to ache by reason of listening to the three-cornered claque on the Tariff as it was in the beginning, is now and ever shall be. Now and again we are inclined to study the men who are elected to Parliament and some of those who gravitate towards Ottawa without the bother of elections. They stimulate interest and challenge criticism, not less because the interest and the criticism come from a seat in the audience rather than from "behind the scenes"--which is not always a disadvantage. While the parliamentarians perform "Promises and Pie Crusts", the wives have their own play--"Petticoats and Power". The stage here is a triangle--Rideau Hall, Chateau Laurier, the Parliamentary Restaurant. At the cafe tables women from all the counties and electoral districts of Canada--many of them French--chatter about the great masquerade up at the Castle, the little-king show which at its best is worth more to Canada than the Senate. The homes of Ottawa are little shows whose players imitate the manners and the accents of the fine people in the Castle, the Restaurant and the Chateau.

"Nothing but a prinked-up panorama!" says the rugged Radical in a coonskin coat, member of a deputation with a railway ticket as long as his pocket. "Poor show! What we want down here is more plain farmers' wives----"

He pauses. This man's first cousin broke away from the farm a generation ago because farmers' wives were too plain, and farmers did so little reading, and the big thinkers and doers all seemed to live in town. As he talks, up dashes a sleigh, jangling its bells and dangling its robes, and from behind the bearskinned driver alights a company that makes his coonskin coat feel clumsy and uncomfortable. He glances up at the great pile of walls on the hill. The hill is alive with fine people. In one of the sleighs a lady bows and smiles--at him! He touches his cap and takes his pipe from his mouth.

"That lady?" he replies to his sleeping-car mate. "Oh, that is the wife of a Senator, used to live in our town. Clever little woman she is, too. They tell me she's writing a novel and that Lady Byng is taking her up. Lady Byng--oh, yes, she writes novels. Good idea. Likely her books won't be quite so rough as some of our Canadian novels are. I like style in a book, all that fine manners stuff; takes your mind off the humdrum of everyday life. Byng--say, that was a wise appointment if ever there was one. My way of thinking, Lord Byng has 'em all beaten since Dufferin. Kings' and queens' uncles and cousins and brothers don't suit this democratic nation like a man who got acquainted with this country before ever he set eyes on it, through the boys he commanded out yonder. Great man! Fit to be Governor-General of a great country, and I won't deny it. No snobbery. Seventh son of an earl, all his life a soldier and a worker. A real man, such as any of us could present to our constituents with pleasure and pride. Tell you what--listen!"

His sleeping-car mate feels a heavy clutch on his arm.

Bridle opens by refusing to spend much time in Ottawa, calling it a 'play-house' where politicians perform on a 'glorious plateau in a valley of wonderland.' The capital's natural grandeur—a river of dreams, parliamentary towers 'colossally' rising—is undercut by its expedient, saw-mill origins. This theatrical frame persists: Parliament is the 'great show,' politicians are 'actors,' and the book promises to 'draw the curtain and show you the picture.' The author, writing under the pseudonym 'Domino,' immediately establishes a tone of critical admiration, blending scenic description with political commentary.

The Stage and Its Scenery

Bridle devotes the opening chapter to Ottawa's setting, contrasting its natural beauty with its haphazard development. He notes that Laurier dreamed of making Ottawa rival Rome, London, or Washington, but 'the saw-mill surveyors' spoiled that by providing no grand approach to Parliament Hill. The city was built 'for convenience: for opportunity: for expediency.' This tension between aspiration and reality recurs throughout the excerpts. Bridle's language is vivid: the Thames 'crawls muddily and lazily,' while Ottawa's river 'takes its rise in everlasting hills of granite and pines.' The theatrical metaphor extends to the audience—the vast country that 'converges upon Ottawa'—and the uncertainty of future performances.

Sam Hughes: The One-Man Epoch

The later excerpts focus on Sir Sam Hughes, Minister of Militia and Defence. Bridle portrays him as a figure of immense ego and energy, 'idolized from the beginning' of the war, yet increasingly out of step with reality. Hughes knew the voluntary system was breaking down but refused to admit it publicly, even days before conscription was announced. Bridle notes his desperate measure of visiting Cardinal Begin in Quebec—'for an Orangeman like Hughes that was a desperate measure'—which yielded only cynicism. The text details troop numbers: 87,000 overseas in 1915, nearly double in 1916, then a drop to 63,536 in 1917. Bridle's Hughes is a tragic figure, 'playing blind optimist against the cold, comfortless fact' of a wasting army.

The Machinery of War and Politics

Bridle examines the administrative strains of wartime Ottawa. The 'one-man epoch' ended as 'experts' took over functions Hughes had started, such as munitions. The Chairman of Munitions affair was 'a sore blow' to Hughes, who did not want a civilian to treat munitions as 'a mere industry.' Bridle also notes the absence of a national register and the uselessness of a five-year-old census. The text highlights the challenge of Quebec and the farmer in sustaining enlistments. General Lessard, whom Hughes had ignored in 1914, was sent to Quebec 'too late.' These details ground the portrait in specific administrative failures, showing how the 'play-house' of politics struggled with the grim logistics of war.

The Curtain on Hughes's Role

Bridle's assessment of Hughes is measured but pointed. He credits Hughes with sending four divisions to the field—'it stands to the immortal credit of Sam Hughes that the four did, and that he had sent them'—but notes that a fifth never went. The text captures Hughes's refusal to admit the inevitable: 'Only a few days before Ottawa announced that compulsory service must be applied... he said publicly to soldiers in Toronto that Canada, the freeman's country, would never need conscription.' Bridle calls this 'most pitiful to hear.' Yet he adds that Hughes 'never seemed to pity himself.' The portrait is of a man whose egoism and energy were both vital and self-defeating, a central actor in a drama that outgrew him.

Bridle's theatrical framing invites readers to watch for recurring motifs: the tension between natural grandeur and political expediency, the gap between public performance and private knowledge. The excerpts suggest a book that moves from scenic overview to focused biographical sketches, each politician a 'mask' in the Ottawa play-house. Readers should note how Bridle uses specific numbers and dates to ground his judgments, and how his critical tone never fully dismisses the actors' achievements.

Ottawa's boardroom pageantry, all masks and grand entrances, has always struck me as a performance for an audience that rarely applauds. Yet across the ocean, another bureaucracy in Republican China rehearsed its own careful scenes—power whispered through chambers, never quite spoken aloud. Both volumes occupy my shelf like quiet neighbors, each knowing the other's private language. Government in Republican China — Key Ideas to Explore sits beside that old red binding, and sometimes I fetch one, then the other, as if completing a conversation.

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