Reminiscences of Sixty Years in Public Affairs, Vol. 2 — Reading Companion

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Boutwell, George S. (George Sewall), 1818-1905 Project Gutenberg 2006 Not confirmed
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Boutwell's second volume covers his Civil War-era congressional service, Treasury tenure during Black Friday, and impeachment of Andrew Johnson, with precise diction and firsthand observations of Grant, Lincoln, and Gould.
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REMINISCENCES OF SIXTY YEARS IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS VOLUME II

Reminiscences of Sixty Years in Public Affairs by George S. Boutwell Governor of Massachusetts, 1851-1852 Representative in Congress, 1863-1869 Secretary of the Treasury, 1869-1873 Senator from Massachusetts, 1873-1877 etc., etc.,

New York McClure, Phillips & Co. Mcmii

_Copyright, 1902, by_ McClure, Phillips & Co.

_Published May, 1902. N._

XXVIII Service in Congress XXIX Incidents in the Civil War XXX The Amendments to the Constitution XXXI Investigations Following the Civil War XXXII Impeachment of Andrew Johnson XXXIII The Treasury Department in 1869 XXXIV The Mint Bill and the "Crime of 1873" XXXV Black Friday--September 24, 1869 XXXVI An Historic Sale of United States Bonds in England XXXVII General Grant's Administration XXXVIII General Grant as a Statesman XXXIX Reminiscences of Public Men XL Blaine and Conkling and the Republican Convention of 1880 XLI From 1875 to 1895 XLII The Last of the Ocean Slave Traders XLIII Mr. Lincoln as an Historical Personage XLIV Speech on Columbus XLV Imperialism as a Public Policy INDEX

REMINISCENCES OF SIXTY YEARS IN PUBLIC AFFAIRS VOLUME II

XXVIII SERVICE IN CONGRESS

My election to Congress in 1862 was contested by Judge Benjamin F. Thomas, who was then a Republican member from the Norfolk district. The re-districting of the State brought Thomas and Train into the same district. I was nominated by the Republican Convention, and Thomas then became the candidate of the "People's Party," and at the election he was supported by the Democrats. His course in the Thirty-seventh Congress on the various projects for compromise had alienated many Republicans, and it had brought to him the support of many Democrats. My active radicalism had alienated the conservative Republicans. As a consequence, my majority reached only about 1,400 while in the subsequent elections, 1864-'66-'68 the majorities ranged from five to seven thousand.

Among the new members who were elected to the Thirty-eighth Congress and who attained distinction subsequently, were Garfield, Blaine and Allison. Wilson, of Iowa, had been in the Thirty-seventh Congress and Henry Winter Davis had been a member at an earlier period. Mr. Conkling was a member of the Thirty-seventh Congress, but he was defeated by his townsman Francis Kernan under the influence of the reactionary wave which moved over the North in 1862. At that time Mr. Lincoln had lost ground with the people. The war had not been prosecuted successfully, the expenses were enormous, taxes were heavy, multitudes of families were in grief, and the prospects of peace through victory were very dim. The Democrats in the House became confident and aggressive.

Alexander Long, of Ohio, made a speech so tainted with sympathy for the rebels that Speaker Colfax came down from the chair and moved a resolution of censure. Harris, of Maryland, in the debate upon the resolution, made a speech much more offensive than that of Long. As a consequence, the censure was applied to both gentlemen and as a further consequence, the friends of the South became more guarded in expressions of sympathy. It is true also, that there were many Democrats who did not sympathize with Harris, Long, and Pendleton. Voorhees of Indiana was also an active sympathizer with the South. I recollect that in the Thirty-eighth or Thirty-ninth Congress he made a violent attack upon Mr. Lincoln, and the Republican Party. The House was in committee, and I was in the chair. Consequently I listened attentively to the speech. It was carefully prepared and modeled apparently upon Junius and Burke--a model which time has destroyed.

Of the members of the House during the war period, Henry Winter Davis was the most accomplished speaker. Mr. Davis' head was a study. In front it was not only intellectual, it was classical--a model for an artist. The back of his head was that of a prize fighter, and he combined the scholar and gentleman with the pugilist. His courage was constitutional and he was ready to make good his position whether by argument or by blows. His speeches in the delivery were very attractive. His best speech, as I recall his efforts, was a speech in defense of Admiral Dupont. That speech involved an attack upon the Navy Department. Alexander H. Rice, of Massachusetts, was the chairman of the Naval Committee. He appeared for the Navy Department in an able defence. Mr. Rice's abilities were not of the highest order, but his style was polished, and he was thoroughly equipped for the defence. He had the Navy Department behind him, and a department usually has a plausible reason or excuse for anything that it does.

George S. Boutwell's second volume of memoirs opens with a contested election to Congress in 1862, where he describes his majority as only about 1,400, contrasting with later majorities of five to seven thousand. This numerical precision typifies Boutwell's method: he anchors political narrative in verifiable figures, from vote tallies to gold sales. His prose is direct, often legalistic, reflecting a career spent in governance and legislation. The excerpts reveal a writer who privileges documentation over drama, yet his understated tone can amplify the gravity of events like Black Friday, where he recounts ordering a $4 million gold sale after consulting President Grant. Boutwell's voice is that of an insider who records decisions and their rationales without embellishment, making the text a valuable primary source for nineteenth-century political history.

Diction of a Public Man

Boutwell's vocabulary is that of a legislator and administrator: precise, formal, and occasionally legalistic. He writes of re-districting, certification of checks, and the reactionary wave with a matter-of-fact clarity. His sentences are often long but syntactically straightforward, as when he explains the gold market: Gold must range this year at about that premium to enable the export of the surplus crops. He avoids metaphor or rhetorical flourish, preferring concrete nouns and active verbs. This diction serves his purpose: to present his actions and reasoning as logical and defensible. When he describes detaining the comptroller of the currency and sending examiners to New York, the language is procedural, not dramatic. The cumulative effect is a voice of authority that assumes the reader shares his interest in the mechanics of governance.

Dialogue and Reported Speech

Boutwell rarely reproduces extended dialogue, but when he does, it is to capture a decisive exchange. The most notable instance is his conversation with President Grant about the gold sale: Boutwell proposed selling $3 million; Grant replied, I think you had better make it $5,000,000. Boutwell then sold $4 million, a compromise he records without comment. This terse exchange reveals Grant's willingness to act decisively and Boutwell's independent judgment. Elsewhere, he quotes a letter from Jay Gould at length, allowing Gould's own words to expose his economic reasoning and his attempt to influence policy. By letting Gould speak, Boutwell provides evidence without overt accusation. His handling of dialogue is functional: it advances the narrative and supports his claims about events.

Descriptive Economy in Setting

Boutwell's descriptions of settings are minimal, often limited to the necessary context. He notes that the Tenth National Bank certified checks largely in excess of the balances due, and that he detained the comptroller after the close of business on the 22d of September. Physical spaces are invoked only as they relate to action: the Treasury Department, the President's office, the bank. This spare approach focuses attention on decisions and their consequences. When he describes the mood of the country in 1862—the war had not been prosecuted successfully, the expenses were enormous, taxes were heavy, multitudes of families were in grief—the list of grievances is abstract, yet it conveys the national strain. Boutwell's setting is the political and economic landscape, not the physical environment.

Recurring Details as Evidence

Boutwell repeatedly anchors his narrative in specific numbers and dates. He records his election majorities, the amount of gold sold ($4 million), the certifications ($18 million), and the dates of key actions (September 20, 22, 23). These details serve as evidence for his claims and as markers of his reliability. He also notes the names of colleagues—Garfield, Blaine, Allison, Conkling—situating himself within a network of rising politicians. The recurrence of such specifics suggests a mind trained in law and finance, where precision is paramount. For the reader, these details create a texture of authenticity, even when the broader narrative is selective. Boutwell's memoir is less a story than a deposition, and his recurring use of data reinforces that impression.

Boutwell's prose rewards readers who attend to its deliberate choices: the preference for numbers over adjectives, the sparing use of dialogue, the focus on institutional process. His memoir is not a confession or a polemic but a record, shaped by a lifetime of public service. To read it is to observe a mind that values evidence and accountability. Those interested in the mechanics of Reconstruction, the Treasury's role in financial crises, or the character of Grant's presidency will find Boutwell a reliable, if understated, guide.

Reading Boutwell’s precise, unhurried account of political maneuvering, I found myself thinking of another legislative session, far simpler yet oddly similar. That California gathering felt like a smaller echo of the same patient, stubborn human machinery. There is a certain quiet comfort in that continuity, a reminder that the mechanics of governance rarely change. Story of the Session of the California Legislature of 1909 — A Closer Reading carries that same, almost sedimentary, quality of time.

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