Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 2 (of 7) — Themes and Context
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The source record for Presidential addresses and state papers, Volume 2 (of 7) — Themes and Context measures this digital text at 114,201 words, 8 hr 17 min estimated reading time, and 20 detected text sections.
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and is the character of the individual man. Good laws in the State, like a good organization in an army, are the expressions of national character. Leaders will be developed in military and in civil life alike; and weapons and tactics change from generation to generation, as methods of achieving good government change in civic affairs; but the fundamental qualities which make for good citizenship do not change any more than the fundamental qualities which make good soldiers. In the long run in the Civil War the thing that counted for more than aught else was the fact that the average American had the fighting edge; had within him the spirit which spurred him on through toil and danger, fatigue and hardship, to the goal of the splendid ultimate triumph. So in achieving good government the fundamental factor must be the character of the average citizen; that average citizen’s power of hatred for what is mean and base and unlovely; his fearless scorn of cowardice and his determination to war unyieldingly against the dark and sordid forces of evil.
The Continental troops who followed Washington were clad in blue and buff, and were armed with clumsy, flintlock muskets. You, who followed Grant, wore the famous old blue uniform, and your weapons had changed as had your uniform; and now the men of the American Army who uphold the honor of the flag in the far tropic lands are yet differently armed and differently clad and differently trained; but the spirit that has driven you all to victory has remained forever unchanged. So it is in civil life. As you did not win in a month or a year, but only after long years of hard and dangerous work, so the fight for governmental honesty and efficiency can be won only by the display of similar patience and similar resolution and power of endurance. We need the same type of character now that was needed by the men who with Washington first inaugurated the system of free popular government, the system of combined liberty and order here on this Continent; that was needed by the men who under Lincoln perpetuated the government which had thus been inaugurated in the days of Washington. The qualities essential to good citizenship and to good public service now are in all their essentials exactly the same as in the days when the first Congresses met to provide for the establishment of the Union; as in the days seventy years later, when the Congresses met which had to provide for its salvation.
There are many qualities which we need alike in private citizen and in public man, but three above all—three for the lack of which no brilliancy and no genius can atone—and those three are courage, honesty, and common-sense.
AT THE UNVEILING OF THE SHERMAN STATUE, WASHINGTON, D. C., OCTOBER 15, 1903
_General Dodge, Veterans of the Four Great Armies, and you, my Fellow-Citizens_:
Theodore Roosevelt's second volume of presidential addresses and state papers, covering 1903, presents the reader with a direct record of his public rhetoric and policy arguments. Unlike a memoir or retrospective analysis, these are the words delivered to specific audiences—from navy yard workers in Bremerton to the Union League Club in San Francisco—preserving the immediacy of his speaking style and the issues he chose to emphasize. The catalog subjects list Roosevelt and United States politics and government (1901–1909), but the excerpts reveal a narrower focus: naval readiness, the Monroe Doctrine, and the practical challenges of manning a growing fleet. The volume's structure, grouping speeches by date and occasion, allows the reader to trace how Roosevelt adapted his message to different venues while maintaining core themes.
Naval Policy as Public Argument
The longest excerpt in the available text is a sustained argument for naval expansion, delivered as part of a message to Congress. Roosevelt frames the navy as both a practical necessity and a guarantor of peace: "A good navy is not a provocative of war. It is the surest guaranty of peace." This claim is supported by detailed appeals for funding—not just for ships but for "prizes to encourage the gun crews" and "perfecting an intelligent system" of gunnery practice. The speech reveals a president who is comfortable with technical specifics: he discusses the need for "a thousand additional officers," the strain on lieutenants and junior grades, and the impossibility of improvising a crew. The Monroe Doctrine is invoked as a reason for naval strength, but the argument is grounded in logistics rather than ideology. Readers interested in the intersection of military policy and political persuasion will find a case study in how an executive branch leader uses a formal address to justify budget priorities and organizational reforms.
Occasional Speeches and Civic Ritual
The table of contents lists dozens of addresses delivered at dedications, banquets, university ceremonies, and religious services. These occasional speeches—such as the remarks at the dedication of the Navy Memorial Monument in San Francisco or the consecration of Grace Memorial Reformed Church in Washington—show Roosevelt performing the role of national spokesman for civic and patriotic values. The range of venues is striking: from the Arctic Brotherhood in Seattle to the Saengerfest in Baltimore, he adapts his tone to each audience while returning to themes of duty, national unity, and historical continuity. The speech at the Lincoln Monument in Springfield, for instance, likely draws on the symbolic weight of that site. These texts offer material for studying how early twentieth-century presidential rhetoric operated outside the formal channels of messages to Congress, blending policy advocacy with ceremonial affirmation. The volume preserves the ephemeral genre of the public address as a tool of governance.
Correspondence and the Administrative Record
Interspersed with the speeches are letters and statements that provide a different register of presidential activity. The excerpts include correspondence about the appointment of Dr. Crum, a statement to the American Federation of Labor, and a letter to Governor Durbin. These documents shift from the public stage to the administrative and political negotiations that underpin policy. The letter to Secretary Cortelyou, for example, suggests internal deliberation about executive action. The statement to the American Federation of Labor indicates direct engagement with organized labor, a constituency Roosevelt courted and challenged. Unlike the set-piece speeches, these texts are shorter, more direct, and often reactive. They reveal the president managing relationships with individuals and organizations, and they remind the reader that the volume is not merely a collection of oratory but a record of governance. The inclusion of such material enriches the portrait of Roosevelt as an executive who used multiple communicative channels to advance his agenda.
This volume is best approached as a primary source for the study of presidential rhetoric and early twentieth-century American political culture. Readers should attend to the specific occasions, audiences, and textual variations across the speeches, rather than seeking a unified policy statement. The correspondence sections offer a counterpoint to the public addresses, revealing the less polished but equally strategic side of Roosevelt's communication. For those interested in the history of the presidency, the navy, or Progressive Era politics, these papers provide direct evidence of how one president argued, negotiated, and governed in a single year.
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