Latvia & Russia: One problem of the world-peace considered — Text and Context

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Bergs, Arveds, 1875-1942 Project Gutenberg 2017 Not confirmed
Soviet Union -- Politics and government -- 1917-1936; World War, 1914-1918 -- Territorial questions -- Latvia Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 17,606
Reading time 77 min
Text sections 2

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Arved Bergs argues for Latvian independence from Russia in 1920, using Wilsonian principles, economic reasoning, and geopolitical analysis to counter Russian claims, based on his role as a Latvian National Council member.
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ONE PROBLEM OF THE WORLD-PEACE CONSIDERED

BY ARVED BERG (_Member of the National Council of Latvia_)

1920 LONDON AND TORONTO J. M. DENT & SONS LTD.

The World-Peace and the Civil War in Russia 9

The Paris Conference faced by the Russian Sphinx 10

The Representatives of Russia 11

Relations between Russia and the Borderland Peoples 13

Proposal to postpone the Solution concerning “the Borderland Peoples of Russia” 14

Practical Consequences of the Postponing of the Question 16

It is doubtful whether the Russian People will soon be in a Position to participate in the Solution of these Questions 18

Right of the Russian People to participate in the Solution of the Lettish Question 23

A Definite and Immediate Solution of the Question of Latvia is necessary 26

The Reconstitution of Russia 27

Project of an All-Russian Federation 28

Point of View of the Russian Groups in regard to the Federation of Russia 29

Impossibility of a Russian Federation 33

Historical Impossibility of an All-Russian Federation 34

A Common Civilisation, indispensable to a Federation, does not exist 36

The Economic Problem of a Federated Russia 40

The All-Russian Federation from the Point of View of Constitutional Law 44

The Leaning of the Peoples of Russia towards Independence 49

Economic Disadvantage of Separation from Russia 50

Settlement of Accounts between Latvia and Russia 51

Economic Interests of Latvia 53

Aspirations of the Letts 55

Protests of the Russian Groups 58

Economic Interests of Russia 59

Strategical Interests of Russia 62

Guarantees of the World-Peace 70

Principle of Political Equilibrium 70

Russia as a Factor in Political Equilibrium 71

Internal Weakness of Russia 72

Political Leanings of Russia towards Germany 74

Russia as a Probable Destroyer of the World-Peace 77

Russia’s Policy in the Baltic 79

The Political Rôle of the New States 83

The Dominium maris Baltici 86

Line of Partition between Russia and Germany 87

THE WORLD-PEACE AND THE CIVIL WAR IN RUSSIA

No world-peace is possible before peace in Russia is re-established! Indeed, how can we talk of universal peace when 180 million men are still in the throes of a most disastrous and terrible war, a war which leads, not to victory, but to annihilation?

There will be no peace in the world if there is no peace in Russia, for the boiling lava in eruption may well submerge the whole of Europe at any moment. That is why the Paris Conference will remain powerless if it cannot terminate the civil war in Russia. All that the Conference has done and is doing at the present time will be brought to nothing and will be a waste of time unless a normal and peaceful state of things is established in Eastern Europe. Until the Peace Conference has settled these questions, humanity will continue to be overshadowed by the menace of such a catastrophe that the disasters of the four years of war will appear in comparison as mere child’s play.

THE PARIS CONFERENCE FACED BY THE RUSSIAN SPHINX

The Peace Conference finds itself facing the Russian sphinx, whose problems a mind of western culture can neither comprehend nor solve.

The agglomeration of heterogeneous peoples in Russia leaves the ragged Hapsburg empire far behind. In Russia you have the complicated psychology of the Oriental, barely intelligible to his western brother. You have also the tangled economic questions and the centuries-old crimes of corrupt governments, the devastation of a world-war, and still more the material and moral destruction brought about by the awakening instincts of the half-barbaric masses which call themselves Bolsheviki. And all this is intermingling and boiling over in an indescribable chaos which even the liveliest imagination could not conceive.

THE REPRESENTATIVES OF RUSSIA

Arved Bergs, a member of the National Council of Latvia, writes in 1920 with a dual purpose: to assert Latvia's right to independence and to argue that a stable world peace requires resolving the Russian civil war. His prose is direct and polemical, frequently invoking President Wilson's declarations on self-determination as legal and moral touchstones. Bergs structures his argument around refuting Russian objections—economic, strategic, and historical—while insisting that Latvia's separation is both just and practical.

Wilsonian Principles as a Rhetorical Weapon

Bergs repeatedly anchors his case in the words of President Wilson, quoting from speeches on July 4 and September 27, 1918. He cites Wilson's insistence that settlements must be based on "the free acceptation of such a settlement by the peoples directly concerned" and that no "special interest of a nation or a group of nations" should override the general interest. By framing Latvia's fate as a test case for Allied principles, Bergs turns Wilson's rhetoric into a binding commitment. He implies that any postponement or denial of Latvian self-determination would betray the very foundations of the postwar order. This strategy is not merely legalistic; it is a bid to shame the Paris Conference into action by exposing inconsistency between proclaimed ideals and realpolitik.

Economic Interdependence, Not Dependency

Bergs confronts the Russian argument that Latvia's ports are indispensable to Russia's economy. He acknowledges that before the war, Riga, Libau, and Windau handled nearly half of European Russia's seaborne imports and over two-fifths of its exports. But he turns this fact on its head: Latvia, he argues, is the "natural intermediary between East and West" and has every incentive to keep its ports open to Russian transit. He contrasts Latvia's potential efficiency with Russia's "wretched equipment of the ports," "miserable state of the railways," and "laws dating almost from the Flood." The implication is clear: independence would allow Latvia to modernize trade infrastructure, benefiting both nations. Bergs thus reframes separation not as economic rupture but as a prerequisite for rational commerce.

The Impossibility of a Russian Federation

Bergs devotes several sections to dismantling the proposal of an All-Russian Federation as a compromise. He argues that federation requires a "common civilisation" and shared political culture, which he claims do not exist between Russia and its borderlands. He points to historical precedents and the "leaning of the peoples of Russia towards independence" as evidence that federal schemes are unrealistic. Bergs's tone here is dismissive: he treats the federation idea as a stalling tactic by Russian groups who refuse to acknowledge national aspirations. By framing federation as historically and constitutionally impossible, he narrows the options to either full independence or continued domination—a binary that serves his argumentative purpose.

Strategic Necessity and the Baltic Balance

In the final sections, Bergs shifts to geopolitical reasoning, arguing that an independent Latvia is essential for European stability. He warns that Russia, if left unchecked, might again become a "destroyer of the world-peace" and that its Baltic policy historically aimed at dominance. He invokes the concept of Dominium maris Baltici—control of the Baltic Sea—and suggests that new states like Latvia serve as a buffer between Russia and Germany. Bergs's language becomes urgent: the Paris Conference must act decisively, or the "boiling lava" of Russia's civil war could "submerge the whole of Europe." This apocalyptic imagery underscores his conviction that Latvia's fate is not a peripheral issue but a linchpin of postwar order.

Bergs's pamphlet is a specimen of wartime advocacy: tightly argued, selective in evidence, and relentless in its conclusion. Readers should note that he writes as a partisan, not an impartial observer, and that his citations of Wilson are deployed to bind the Allies to a specific course of action. The work offers insight into how small nations leveraged great-power rhetoric to advance their claims at the Paris Peace Conference.

It’s strange how a plea from a hundred years ago can feel so close. Bergs’s careful arguments for a nation’s rightful place made me think of quieter, older wounds. That same ache for recognition lingers in Atalantis Major — Key Ideas to Explore, not as politics, but as a deeper, more personal haunting. It stayed with me, like a half-remembered dream of home.

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